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THE KING OF ROME 




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THE 
KING OF ROME 

A BIOGRAPHY 

BY 
VICTOR von KUBINYI 



Zbe ftnicfterbocfter press 

NEW YORK 

1907 



J.BRASY or GOi^-at-iESSl 
Two Ooples fs'.ieitisod 

DEC 6 i90? 

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COPY r " 




Copyright, 1907 

BY 

VICTOR VON KUBINYI 



(o 



To 

MADAME CAROLINE LE ROY BONAPARTE 

This little work is most respectfully dedicated 




Napoleon I. 



MOTTO : "Genius, is the talent for seeing things straight. — It 
is seeing things in a straight line without any bend 
or break of aberration, seeing them as they are, 
without any warping of vision. Flawless mental 
sight ! That is genius ! " 

(M. A.) 



preface 




HITS far no one "had ever doubted him, 
because it was impossible to do so 
with justice: Napoleon I., in the 
modern age, is as yet the greatest general. 
Whether the famous General will have a suc- 
cessor as great as he, can be told only by Him, 
in whose hands our future lies. That Napo- 
leon, through history, rightly called " The 
Great," will ever have a counterpart, is the 
secret of the future. 

Would we think Napoleon greater. Had he 
not put the crown upon his own head, is a 
question upon which disputants, according to 
their greater or lesser shortsightedness, will 
hereafter argue many times. 

If we judge history's greatest men, not by 
their actions, but by what they have accom- 
plished through their success — if we attempt 

vii 



viii preface 

to find results — then, all who wish to be im- 
partial, must realize that Napoleon Bona- 
parte set such an example that not malice nor 
slander can work him harm, and only time can 
do him justice. 

As the unlucky King Louis XVI. — ^he who 
was worthy of a better fate — was beheaded, the 
deserted French Nation fell into the depths of 
misery, — nay, not fell, but plunged. Insulted, 
not only in their human, but also in their 
moral rights, and at times even cheated out 
of these, the now completely deprived French 
Nation, moved by desperation long pent up, 
rebelled, and in self-defence overthrew the 
Bourbons, and their centuries-existing throne 
of stolen power, determined at last to manage 
their own fate. A crisis such as has no equal 
in the history of nations, followed. The blood 
filled nation (the people make the nation), 
came to a perfect whirlpool, — a whirlpool that 
ruined and devoured everything. A few steps 
more and the " Grande Nation " with all its 
glorious past, would have ceased to exist. 



preface ix 

If a people, deprived by continuous rob- 
bery of its rights, once shakes off the weight 
of the despised throne and gets the reins of 
government in its own hands, the nation's posi- 
tion is harder and more dangerous than it was 
before. No end of care and peaceful consid- 
eration of affairs must be given, if speedily 
she does not want to see her end. 

With the French Nation the danger was 
great and near. 

Would the uncontrolled subjects gain 
control? 

Was not the indignation of the people just? 

Yes, it was, now more than ever before. 

If the individual needs in his daily course 
calm and peaceful judgment, how much more 
the Nation, when its future depends on it so 
much. What would have been the future of 
the once glorious France? What would the 
country itself have been, if the leaders of the 
hated government had managed it longer? 
To-day we would sorrowfully say: "France 
was." 



X ipreface 

Some one there must be who has not 
mingled in the past of bloody actions, — some 
neutral man who can save the country from 
destruction. But where is the man? 

Who will undertake it and crown the effort 
with success? 

Let us pause here. 

We could not tell in one breadth all that had 
happened from the time King Louis XVI. 
was dethroned, till Napoleon ascended the new 
imperial throne. Pause, and let each one an- 
swer this question, Who placed France in this 
position? for himself (but only those who 
know history) ; and. Who gave the French 
Nation to herself? 

I am far from flattering Napoleon. Flat- 
tery is insipid, and flattery is not necessary 
to one as great as Napoleon. Each of his acts 
gives us so many great and extraordinary 
facts, that no matter who reads or hears them, 
he must at least think them over. 

In my little task, I am speaking strictly ac- 
cording to the pages of History, and only the 



preface xi 

facts of History lead me to call Napoleon's 
son " King of Rome." 

Am I not right? 

Napoleon himself gave his son this title, and 
he gave it by virtue of acquired right and 
power. Whoever — and there are some — 
wishes to hesitate over it, should not forget 
that the first French Emperor was despoiled 
of his right, but the mantle of his might was not 
worn by any other shoulders. Allow, instead 
of the foregoing arguments, at least as much 
as the settlement of historical names, even 
those who depend largely on the fragments 
of History must admit that the son of Louis 
XVI. had not the least chance of becoming 
King of France, Louis XVII. If any one 
should answer to this, that the dynasty of 
Bourbons had not ceased, and that therefore 
poor Capet's son was " in evidence," as Louis 
XVII. — we say, neither did Bonaparte's end. 
And if we want to be truthful, we will not 
call Great Napoleon's son King of Rome, but 
simply Napoleon II. 



xii preface 

On Berezina's frozen mirror of broken 
glory there still remains one streak of light, 
by which we recognize that, behind the " King 
of Rome," the descendant is the son of Na- 
poleon I., or if you like it better, of the Great 
Hero. 



1IIlu0ttatton0 



Victor von Kubinyi . . Frontispiece 

Napoleon I. iv 

Napoleon I. at the Battle at Feiedland . viii 

The Ceadle of the King oe Rome . . 2 

Empress Marie Louise with the King of Rome 6 

Empress Marie Louise ..... 10 

"The Prince of Parma" 20 

The Duke of Reichstadt as Austrian Cor- 
poral 26 

Napoleon II. as Austrian Colonel . . 36 

Miss Maude Adams as Duke of Reichstadt in 

Rostand's "L'Aiglon" .... 46 

Napoleon II. on his Bier .... 58 

" Madame Mere " — Letizia di Ramolino . . 90 

Young Napoleon's Grandmother. 

Hon. Charles J. Bonaparte .... 92 

Attorney-General of the United States 
xiii 



xiv 1Illu0tration0 

PAGE 

His Imperial Highness Prince Napoleon 94 
Victor 

H. I. M. The Empress Eugenie ... 98 

His Imperial and Royal Majesty, Franz 

Josef 1 100 

Emperor of Austria, King of Hungary 

President Madison 108 



THE KING OF ROME 




^be Iking of IRome 



HE 20th of March, 1811, was a hard 
day for Napoleon, the great Em- 
peror of France. The arrival of the 
anxiously expected Crown Prince was dan- 
gerous for the Empress, Marie Louise. 

So many anxieties made the Emperor tired 
and sick. The great hero, who had faced so 
many times all the dangers of war without any 
fear — ^trembled. 

Can you imagine a Napoleon trembling? 

He became alarmed. He really trembled, 
but not for his crown; he trembled for his well- 
beloved wife, and for his anxiously expected 
child. He became nervous. He was like a 
child, seeing some " ghost." To calm his 
fears, he took a warm bath. And when Du- 
bois, the physician-in-chief of the Imperial 
House entered his bath-room, the hero lost his 
breath. 



2 Zbe Mm ot IRome 

Dubois came to ask the Emperor what he 
should do, being unable to help the Empress 
without some very dangerous undertaking. 
Napoleon, making a strong effort to calm 
himself and growing pale, answered the 
physician : 

" Well, Dubois, what would you do in such 
a case if you were called by some citizen's 
wife? " 

" Imperial Majesty," answered Dubois stut- 
tering, " I would use my instruments." 

" I see," replied Napoleon. " Now, Du- 
bois, I will tell you what has to be done. You 
have to forget you are in the Imperial Palace, 
and you have to do the best you can, as you 
would do in some merchant's house. Take 
care of both, and if you cannot keep both 
alive, save me the mother." 

Napoleon, dressing himself in a hurry, hast- 
ened to see his wife. He would help her in 
such a dangerous situation, but seeing he 
could be of no help, trembling again at the 
sight of his wife's sufferings, he was forced by 
Dubois to leave the room. Behind the next 
door he awaited with palpitating heart what 
would happen. 




The Cradle of the King of Rome 

(Made by Odiot and Thomire) 

Imperial Family Treasure, Vienna 



TOe KwQ of IRome 3 

After a few moments of fear, such as he 
never knew before. Constant, his intimate 
valet came, looking like the happiest one on 
earth. 

" In deepest reverence I most hmnbly beg 
to announce to Your Imperial Majesty the 
happy arrival of His Imperial Highness the 
Crown Prince of France." 

" May God bless you. Constant," replied 
the Emperor. 

Then he hastily ran to see his son, crying 
delightedly : " My guards, and a hundred-one 
gun shots ! " 

Returning from his son's cradle, he smil- 
ingly spoke to the dignitaries gathered to- 
gether in the ante-chamber. 

" Gentlemen," he said, " Napoleon II. is 
arrived. We have a nice and strong boy! 
But he kept us waiting for such a long time. 
My poor wife! She had to suffer very much! 
For such a high price I do not wish any more 
children." 

March 23, 1811, eleven o'clock in the fore- 
noon, a fast running mail-coach passed the 
frontiers of Vienna, the capital of the Aus- 



4 Z\)c Mm of 1Rome 

trian Empire, and did not stop before arriv- 
ing at the door of the French Embassy. A 
young officer hastily left the coach, and wear- 
ing a solemn demeanor asked the officer at the 
door at once for the Ambassador. It was 
Captain De Robelau, who, coming by Napo- 
leon's special command from Strassburg, 
brought the Ambassador, Count Otto, the 
news of little Napoleon's fortunate birth. 
And, while the Captain walked up-stairs to 
see the Count, his companion, a French 
grenadier, being unable to withstand the 
portress's questions, betrayed the great secret. 
The good old woman ran out to the street 
and being all out of breath, she cried: 

"Archduchess Marie Louise has a lovely 
boy! Oh my! What a great joy for our 
good Emperor! " 

Little Napoleon's birth was shortly known 
in the whole of Vienna, and raised much joy. 
The cordial Austrians, first thinking of Na- 
poleon as a formidable " sansculotte " later, 
after they have seen him, took to him at once 
with great affection, and now, being their 
Emperor's son-in-law, gave him genuine es- 
teem, as a Prince of Habsburg. 



^be Iking of 1Rome 5 

Only a certain party of the Austrian peer- 
age kept a frosty neutraKty. Among this 
circle, moved round the strangest rumours 
about Napoleon, and they believed all these 
uncontrolled tittle-tattles, which were spread, 
so it is alleged, by one of the " would-be truth- 
ful secretaries " of the Austrian Embassy at 
Paris. These aristocrats took no care to find 
out from what sources these stupid stories 
came, but on the contrary, they kept on with 
characteristic greediness on every occasion, to 
blame the " parvenu," being unable to under- 
stand how Napoleon, the former captain, 
could become the most powerful Sovereign of 
Europe, having no . . . Royal ancestors. 
They did beheve it, — ^they even ambitiously 
spread stories about Napoleon's terrible 
cruelty towards his wife, the full-blooded 
Habsburgian Princess Marie Louise. (I 
think that was the genuine " Stolen Story," 
but later we can see which of them was a 
"tyrant," the parvenu, or the Princess?) 

Francis II., the Austrian Emperor, and 
little Napoleon's grandfather, took an occa- 
sion to celebrate his " well-beloved " grand- 
child's birth, giving one of the most splendid 



6 Zbc Iking of 1Rome 

receptions, which, many centuries ago, dazzled 
all those, who were worthy to receive a call to 
Vienna's Imperial Palace. Such a reception 
was, and now really is a royal entertainment, 
which reminds one of the centurian glory of 
the Habsburgs, — ^but the above reception was 
badly disfigured by a clumsy " wit snapping " 
of one adulator. During this splendid festiv- 
ity, a " Gentleman " made the following char- 
acteristic remark : " Well, it may be a few 
years later, that this King of Rome will call 
here as a beggar-student." 

And this dull headed prophecy, alas, was 
realized to the aforesaid " Gentleman's " and 
his companions' great satisfaction. 

At Paris, the joy was sincere. There no- 
body cared for such " ingenious " remarks. 
The French Nation showed a genuine enthusi- 
asm, upon which Archduke Ferdinand, con- 
gratulating Napoleon in his father-in-law's 
name, said in his letter sent to Vienna ( March 
29, 1811) : " It is really impossible to give an 
adequate description of the sincere and 
fervent gladness of the whole of France. I 
never before have seen such enthusiasm which 
baffles all imagination." 




Empress Marie Louise with the King of Rome 



Z\)c Iking of IRome 7 

May 21, 1814, at seven o'clock in the even- 
ing, a coach of the Austrian Imperial stables 
stopped at the main door of Schoenbrunn, the 
summer residence of the Austrian Emperors, 
and ten minutes later, another one came. The 
first one brought Marie Louise, the " Prin- 
cess of Parma." When the second coach 
stopped, Duke Trauttmannsdorff, the Imper- 
ial marshal took out of the same with great 
care a " package," and handed it to Gen. 
Count Kinsky, the Emperor's acting cham- 
berlain. Kinsky hastened up-stairs carrying 
the package very carefully: he had brought 
the King of Rome ! — and he had hard work to 
arrive at the drawing-room, where the whole 
Imperial Court gathered to meet the Ex-Em- 
press of France, and her son. All the ladies 
of the Austrian aristocracy were waiting for 
the arrival of their Emperor's grandchild, 
and would kiss the little dethroned Majesty's 
hand, and poor Kinsky could do nothing 
against these " attempts." 

The beggar student arrived! 

But he was received very cordially. The 
police commissioner of Vienna says in his re- 
port (May 21st) : "An innumerate crowd of 



8 Zbc Mm of IRome 

people awaiting Napoleon's son cried inces- 
santly, * Hurrah for the Prince of Parma ' ! " 

As though the people knew how this babj^ 
needed love! 

It is important and characteristic to hear 
Hudelist, the Austrian Senator speaking 
about this memorable event. He says : " A 
big crowd of people jammed together await- 
ing the guests, and acclaimed Marie Louise 
and her son with enthusiastic shouts of joy. 
The people enjoyed the ex-Empress's friendly 
manner in rejoining all the greetings, but 
they liked most the little Prince of Parma. 
They became crazy about the pretty looking 
baby. Really, everybody thought the Prince, 
I do not know why, an ailing nasty child, and 
therefore all were pleasantly surprised about 
the pretty httle Prince. Everybody was in a 
hurry to see him.'* 

Duke Metternich, the "all-mighty" Aus- 
trian Chancellor, did not feel joyful about the 
arrival of his lately powerful enemy's son. 
He even took alarm at the people's enthusi- 
asm. He thought to do his duty, to avoid the 
popularity of the innocent baby. The next 
day. May 22d, he did not allow any more of 



Zhc Mm of IRome 9 

the people to enter the Schoenbrunn park, and 
from this time he did all he could to remove 
from Marie Louise and her son all memory, 
and even all thoughts, of their recent glory 
and power. 




II 



APOLEON'S wife was forced to re- 
sign her title "Ex-Empress," as it 
was claimed " on account of the 
Habsburg family's international position." 
It is, really, hard to understand this in- 
justice, which never had hitherto a likeness. 
And it is again hard to understand, be- 
ing the Austrian Emperor Marie Louise's 
father. 

Have you ever heard of an Austrian Arch- 
duchess robbed of her titles by the Emperor, 
and that man, her father ? 

She had to be satisfied with the follow- 
ing titles : " Marie Louise Archduchess of 
Austria, Princess of Parma, Piacenza, and 
Guastalla." 

And why? 

Perhaps to allow her really these titles? 

Perhaps to give her some compensation for 
the lost power and glory? 

Not at all, but only to fool her! 




Empress Marie Louise 

(Pinx.: Gerard) 

Property of the Countess Francisca Bombelles (Pressburg, Hungary) 



Zl)c Iking of IRome n 

And later, when she went to Parma to take 
possession of her Princedom, she arrived there 
as genuine Princess of this land, and now, she 
really thought to become what she was called. 
She could not take the famous portrait with 
her, made by Gerard, because it represented 
her as Empress of France. Her father kept 
this portrait for the Imperial Gallery, and 
promised her another one, as he said, " more 
in keeping to her new position," — ^but he 
never kept his promise! 

And her son? 

First, he was despoiled of his title given 
him by his father; then he became Crown 
Prince of Parma, — but only to be despoiled 
soon again. At last he became " by his 
grandfather's special grace," Duke of Reich- 
stadt, to be fooled again! 

"Reichstadt!" 

Metternich worried himself very much about 
little Napoleon's " political position." He 
was ever anxiously looking out for the Im- 
perial House's " interest." He did not like the 
little boy, and he, the powerful chancellor, was 
afraid of the baby. When Emperor Francis 
would appoint his grandchild "Duke of 



12 Zhc Mm of 1?ome 

Babenberg," he at once was ready to avoid 
this " great danger." Napoleon's son, he 
said, cannot become Duke of such a historical 
title of Habsburgian ancestors, — ^he thought 
it to be impossible to make the " Prince " equal 
to the genuine Habsburgian Princes. 

" If the Prince were to become Duke of 
Babenberg," he wrote to Count Neipperg, 
March 24, 1818, *' the glory of the former 
Austrian Sovereigns would be resuscitated in 
his person, and this circumstance is more than 
enough to protest against His Majesty's giv- 
ing such a dangerous decision." 

The chancellor, by these few words, makes 
the proposition to denominate the ex-Emper- 
or's son " Duke of Bustiechrad." But Marie 
Louise at once exclaimed against such a 
" funny " proposal. " Do not forget," she 
writes to Metternich, March 18, " nobody 
could pronounce this title. However, my 
dear ( ?) Duke, I am calmed; you will justify, 
as you have so often, my trust in yourself." 

Who could understand these words, and 
who could read them without being much 
surprised? 

It is surprising to see the Austrian Em- 



Zhc Mm of IRome 13 

peror's daughter flattering her father's " obe- 
dient servant," — and it is hard to under- 
stand how she could forget that she was 
JVapoleon's wife, — how she could forget Na- 
poleon's son to be her own child, — ^how the 
mother could confide her son's future to the 
care of her husband's implacable enemy? 

Emperor Francis gave a hearing to his 
daughter's request, and he says: "Regarding 
your son's title, I find Reichstadt to be the 
most convenient." But, at the same time, he 
gave to Metternich the following instructions: 
*' I would like to denominate my grandchild 
Duke of Keichstadt, and if you do not see any 
obstacles in it, you will make the adequate 
arrangements." 

Reichstadt was one of the most productive 
properties belonging to the Austrian Imperial 
family, — but what kind of " obstacles " would 
the Emperor avoid, if not his fear to make his 
Chancellor angry? 

Napoleon's son became by the Austrian 
Emperor's " special grace," and that was 
especially accentuated, Duke of Reichstadt, 
but he never could take possession of " his " 
(?) rich manor! 



14 tlbe Mng of IRome 

And Marie Louise hastened to give her 
thanks for this common jugglery. 

" I never would see my son on the throne/' 
she wrote to her father April 17, " but it 
seemed to be my holy, motherly duty, secur- 
ing my son's future. You, my dear father, 
did calm my anxious heart. Now I am 
satisfied/' 

She is satisfied! 

She is satisfied to see her son despoiled in 
such a common way. 

She is satisfied to have forgotten to be the 
ex-Empress, — to be the Austrian Emperor's 
daughter, — even, to be mother ! And she is 
audacious enough, to talk about her " holy, 
motherly duty," even at that moment she 
proves to have no idea of a mother's duty. 

The King of Rome was despoiled of his 
title, — ^he became " by special grace " Prince 
of an unassuming Austrian title, — and his 
grandfather did not treat him like one of the 
members of his family. Giving him the 
Reichstadt title he at the same time declares, 
" to avoid any political misunderstanding," — 
that he is not equal with the other family 
members. Even, for the convenient rank of 



Z\)c Mm of 1Rome 15 

Highness, he gave him the lower ramk of 
Right Honorable ... all these things are 
done to show disrespect to Napoleon. 

Is it justice to punish the son for his father's 
"crimes "? 

Such a cruel treatment of an innocent child, 
however, is not all Metternich's fault. Em- 
peror Francis, who speaks so often of his 
" love " for his grandchild, should not be so 
yielding towards his Chancellor. And Marie 
Louise? She has forgotten to be mother. 
She should not acquiesce in Metternich's at- 
tempts. She was the only one who could do 
something for her son . . . and she did no- 
thing at all! Even, she sacrificed her child's 
future to save her own idle interest. She did 
not know the motto of her mother-in-law, 
Leticia, who said: " The unhappiest one of my 
children is the one I love most." 

Metternich tells us frankly what he will do 
about Napoleon II. : " The education of the 
Prince," he says to Neipperg, July 26, 1817, 
" has to lie exclusively in our hands. He has 
to be educated in a thoroughly cleared-up 
spirit, and we have anxiously, and most care- 
fully to keep away from him all the danger- 



i6 Zhc IRina of IRome 

ous temptations which menace him even on 
account of his high descent." 

Who could understand these words? 

It may be, if Metternich thought his letter 
would ever be read, even not in his favor, a 
hundred years later, he would have written it 
in a more " cleared-up spirit." He was 
frightened, not at all for the Prince's fu- 
ture, but, on the contrary, for himself. He 
thought he would loose his position if he did 
not do everything against Napoleon's child. 
If he had his own way, he would cut the name 
of Napoleon from the pages of History. 
Perhaps he thought to save in that way the 
Habsburgian political interests? 

The powerful Chancellor fears the baby, — 
oh, what a hero! And Francis II., when he 
entrusted Gen. Count Hartmann to lead 
his grandchild's education, approved Metter- 
nich's opinion. " The Prince," he says, " be- 
ing now legally ( ?) separated from his native 
country, is not a Frenchman any more. To 
give him an adequate (?) compensation, I 
have made him the first of my subjects, with 
the rank immediately after (!!!) the members 
of my family. Herewith I have stated defi- 



^be Mm of TRome 17 

nitely the mutual relation between him, and 
my family, and also my people. I trust in his 
noble minding, and his correctness to never 
abuse such a high (?) position as I have 
given him." It is, you can see, Metter- 
nich again, showing his anxious " wisdom," 
having not much care of the grandfather's 
remorse. 

Napoleon's son was christened " Napo- 
leon," — now he became, — perhaps by the Em- 
peror's special grace (?) — "Franz." And 
so on, Metternich took every occasion to turn 
the Great French Emperor's son into an un- 
assuming Austrian Prince. 

On account of his " anxiety " it was for 
Metternich a hard thing to find the convenient 
teacher for " Franz," one whom he could 
trust. For months he was looking out for the 
convenient one, then, at last, he thought to 
have found " his man." By the reiterated re- 
commendations of Baron Hager, one of the 
most intimate aristocrats at the Vienna Im- 
perial Court, June 26, 1815, he proposed to 
Emperor Francis to appoint Count Maurice 
Dietrichstein for his grandchild's tutor. 

Montbel and some other biographers of 



i8 Zhc Ikina of 1Rome 

Napoleon II. are wrong saying, Dietrichstein 
was appointed by Marie Louise's special re- 
quest. The mother did not care about her 
son's education, and she was not asked at all 
about that matter. She proves it herself 
writing from Baden near Vienna, where she 
was living, July 7, 1815, to her father as 
follows: "Yesterday I saw my boy. He 
sends his respects, and does very well. Count 
Dietrichstein was introduced to me, and I like 
to see him there once more on account of the 
circumstance, you, dear father, have ap- 
pointed him only temporarily, till I can take 
my boy with me to Italy, or till I can choose 
for him another tutor, because I do not 
think the Count to be the proper one for 
the purpose, however, he may be a correct 
gentleman." 

Six months later the same IMarie Louise, 
the same " anxious " mother shows how she 
fears Metternich, and how she stays under 
the influence of . . . Neipperg. She says: 
" Now, knowing better Count Dietrichstein, 
I am very well satisfied with his appointment, 
and I shall praise his zealous painstaking about 
my son's education." 



Z\)c Mm of 1Rome 19 

Montbel says, the first time she did not 
know Dietrichstein, and later she changed her 
mind. Nonsense! If a mother takes some 
care of her son's futm'e, then she has to know 
her son's tutor a long time in advance. That 
was not the right way to show how anxious 
she is to do her " holy, motherly; duty." 




Ill 

S! far as we can see, Marie Louise 
acquiesced in the appointment of 
Count Dietrichstein, as her son's tu- 
tor exclusively on account of her cowardice. 

The King of Rome, following his childish 
instinct, did not like his tutor at all. He was 
afraid of him, and when Countess Scarampi, 
the acting Court Lady, called him in the draw- 
ing-room to introduce to him the Count, he 
would not follow her, and said : " I will not go, 
till the chamberlain is there." 

Countess Scarampi had hard work to per- 
suade her obstinate pupil, and when, at last, 
" Franz " timidly entered the drawing-room, 
he soon regained his courage, and eyed the 
Count from head to foot with a look of 
mistrust. 

Dietrichstein, being surprised at his pupil's 
demeanor, imputed his unfavorable recep- 
tion to the " dangerous " influence of the 
French ladies attached to " Franz." " I see," 




"The Prince of Parma" 

(Water-color Painting by Isabey 1815) 

In the Sleeping-room of His Majesty Francis Joseph I. 



Zhc Mm of IRome 21 

he says to Neuberg, one of the most influential 
Imperial Counsellors, " I have a hard prob- 
lem before me [it is: to turn Napoleon's 
son into an Austrian Prince!] principally, as 
long as these French women are about the 
Prince." And his diary, July 1, 1815, has 
the following remark: "Father Landi [the 
Prince's future teacher in Italian language] 
found me in my room weeping. I have to 
suffer so many disagreeable things, and I see 
I can succeed only, if I keep from him other 
influences. These women do not like me, and 
it seems to me they are afraid I will impede 
their progress. They zealously estrange him 
from me, therefore, I cannot wonder at his 
mistrust." 

These words are characteristic of Dietrich- 
stein. Why does he fear these French ladies, 
being without power and having only the 
boy's personal sympathy? If he would only, 
and really make Napoleon's son an educated 
gentleman, then, he could have no reason for 
his fear, but, on the contrary, they could help 
him much in that purpose. But he did not 
care so much for his pupil's education, — ^his 
first duty was to estrange " Franz " from 



22 ^be Iking of 1Rome 

France, even from his father, which the French 
ladies easily found out; therefore, no wonder 
they did not kiss him with joy, he, who, cor- 
rect gentleman though he be, came to estrange 
Napoleon's amiable son from all the glori- 
ous past to which they clung with sincere 
enthusiasm. 

It is an undoubted fact, Dietrichstein was 
obliged to estrange his pupil from his native 
country, and to do it by all means. Whether 
Emperor Francis himself gave him the direc- 
tions and commands, or whether he only ap- 
proved Metternich's proposals, does not make 
much difference. 

A few weeks later, Dietrichstein, with his 
smoothness, won " Franz's " sympathy, but 
sympathy soon became obedience, when little 
Napoleon saw his tutor's smoothness was not 
sincere. Then, he, Dietrichstein, never could 
really gain his pupil's heart. 

No wonder! 

Even the contrary could not surprise, if we 
take into consideration, that Franz, with his 
sharp-sightedness inherited from his father, 
soon found out Dietrichstein to be not only 
his tutor, but Metternich's political agent. 



Zhc Iking of 1Rome 23 

Therefore, he has to be praised. He never 
manifested his discontent to the Count even 
when his will was most oppressed. 

Being only a short time in his employ, Die- 
trichstein frankly hopes for an entire success. 
Really, it would not be hard for him to suc- 
ceed, having plain instruction on all particu- 
lars. But, to surpass all expectations in his 
charge, — and that was his greatest wish, — ^he 
was looking out for a fellow-laborer. Upon 
his reiterated requests, September 6th, Cap- 
tain Foresti was attached to him. And to 
tell the truth, it is remarkable Foresti was ap- 
pointed with Marie Louise's knowledge, even 
at her request. 

" Words will be inadequate," she writes to 
her father, " to express my gratitude for your 
kindness, dear father; you have appointed 
Captain Foresti, whom, after all I heard of 
him, I hope to be the most proper one, to 
secure my boy's education. Now, I can leave 
Franz calmed, I see him under such excellent 
influences." 

All right. Marie Louise appears now like 
a mother, showing much interest in her son's 
future. But that is all! She has, really, no 



24 Zhc Mm of 1Rome 

care for the indispensable immediate influence 
upon her son's education. 

Foresti, of Tyrolian birth, was thirty-nine 
years old when he was appointed Franz's 
teacher. He was an earnest, worthy, noble- 
hearted man, praised by everybody on account 
of his irreproachable character, and he under- 
stood — in spite of the circumstance, he had 
strictly to obey Metternich's and Dietrich- 
stein's instructions — to take every occasion, 
and they were many, to alleviate his pupil's 
hard situation, whom he liked, and towards 
whom he had a sincere pity. 

According to enlargement of the teaching, 
shortly a third teacher had to be appointed. 
Matthew Collin, professor of history at the 
Vienna University, was chosen for this posi- 
tion. Emperor Francis, probably made anx- 
ious by Metternich, resisted this project. He 
did not like to appoint for his grandchild a 
special teacher of history, but Dietrichstein 
and Foresti won with their repeated requests. 

It is interesting to hear Marie Louise's 
mind about Collin, who was going to have the 
most important, and at the same time, the 
most responsible part. "I had an interview 



Zbe Mm of 1Rome 25 

with him," she says, " and am sure he will be 
able to teach my son in the right way. I trust 
my boy, educated by such excellent men, will 
become a worthy man of highest education." 

When Collin died, November 24«, 1824, the 
Austrian Senator Obenaus, later (1827) pro- 
moted to the rank of Baron, came in his place. 
He was chosen for the position because he had 
been Archduke Ferdinand's tutor. 

Obenaus zealously would turn his pupil's 
mind to the way convenient to his descent, and 
to his sharp-willedness. His promotion shows 
clearly what he meant by this " convenient 
way." However, he undeniably was a man 
of highest scientific education, having care of 
his pupil besides the lessons too, and trying 
to get a favorable influence upon the frame of 
his mind, he, like Foresti, tried to accord the 
rigorous directions with his personal sym- 
pathy for " Franz." 

Edmond Rostand, the celebrated French 
poet, showing in his famous L'Aiglon, Obe- 
naus like a blind instrument to make Franz 
stupid, even perverse, does it exclusively on 
account of poetical liberty {licentia poetica) . 
It is true, Obenaus was far from being an 



26 Zbe Iking of IRome 

impartial, and an ideal teacher of history, — 
however, his character was simply incapable of 
such base-minded intents. 

Not only Dietrichstein, but Obenaus and 
Foresti too, soon understood they had a hard 
task. The little, self-willed ex-King, in- 
clining even to obstinacy, caused them many 
cares in point of view of pedagogy, and gave 
them occasion for many inconveniences. 

Wertheimer, the intimate, and undoubtedly 
highly educated investigator of Habsburgian 
history, has collected together many letters 
and annotations made by Dietrichstein, Col- 
lin, Foresti, and Obenaus about their pupil. 
All these remarks enlighten L'Aiglon's edu- 
cation, and show many remarkable, inter- 
esting, and hitherto unknown things and 
opinions, which contradict the previously 
spread opinions about Napoleon II. He 
corrects many times Welschinger and Mont- 
bel, the celebrated historiographers, and all 
his contradictions are based upon historical 
documents. The most interesting of Wer- 
theimer's remarks are those, which show us 
L'Aiglon's private life, the secrets of his state 
of mind, and his thoughts. He disproves 




\^^ 



1^»^ 



t^ftt^-i 



:t^ ^r^v-yra 



'^^M<y^ 



J^yW A-f 



The Duke of Reichstadt as Austrian Corporal 

(Drawing by Peter Krafft) 

Gallery of Portraits, Imperial Library, Vienna 



Zhc Mm of 1Rome 27 

many fantastic stories, also many dull calum- 
nies. First of all, he disproves tlie opinion, 
ambitiously spread by certain people, that the 
teachers were forced to make their pupil 
stupid, to stifle his intellectual development, 
even to ruin his sanity, leading him in the way 
of immorality. Also he disproves the stories 
about their severity bordering on cruelty. 
At the Vienna Imperial House no expense 
was spared to give the Emperor's grandchild 
an exact education; — no one dared put any 
affront upon the Prince, even the teachers 
liked him. And about cruelty? 

Well, certainly, it was cruel in view of his- 
tory, that they were forced to turn Great 
Napoleon's son into an Austrian Prince. 
Little Napoleon says to his uncle. Arch- 
duke Rainer : " You can believe me, it is my 
highest desire to become a thoroughly edu- 
cated, earnest man." 




IV 

jT is a fable, a clumsy calumny. Em- 
peror Francis would send his grand- 
child into a cloister. It is true, the 
whole Vienna Imperial Court was afraid of 
" Franz " on account of his striking intelli- 
gence; — they did not like his courage, and the 
inclination to arbitrariness, shown by him al- 
ready as a child, and they were afraid he would 
overthrow Metternich's plan, which was to 
make him a celebrated Austrian soldier. 
They had much care for the open question, 
what might happen if Franz should find 
occasion to leave his prison? At Vienna every- 
thing was done in the favor of the Bourbons, 
to lame the Napoleon politic for ever; Metter- 
nich was many times in conference with 
Emperor Francis about the Prince's " dan- 
gerous" future, and he anxiously would 
avoid, as he says, "even in the interest of 
Napoleon II.," any "political folly." It is 

28 



Zhc MwQ of IRome 29 

true, the Emperor took every occasion to 
favor the Bourbons on account of his grand- 
child, and reading Senator Hudehst's follow- 
ing words: "It is beyond my comprehension, 
what is to be done with this Prince of Parma. 
If it depended upon me, I would make him a 
priest, and later, may be, a bishop," — we can 
see it was a capital question at Vienna to 
erase little Napoleon's political career. But 
it is hard to believe Emperor Francis would 
force him to become a priest. He, certainly, 
would be glad if " Eranz " would do it of his 
own free will for then Francis II. would be- 
come at once free of this political question, 
and he would not be forced any more to con- 
fer about it so often with Metternich. How- 
ever, he loved his grandchild, — ^he loved him 
only like a weak-willed old man, but cer- 
tainly never thought about Franz's priesthood. 
If it seems to be incredible the grand- 
father would condemn his grandchild to be a 
priest, — it is just as hard to believe a remark 
of Count Prokesch-Osten, who will be men- 
tioned later which, he says, shows Em- 
peror Francis's nobility: "If the French 
Nation and the confederated powers would 



so Zbc MitG of IRome 

allow it to you, I never would impede you in 
keeping possession of thy father's throne." 

This sounds just Uke a fable. Especially 
in view of the circumstance that the Emper- 
or's " love " towards his grandchild was con- 
fined just to his sentiments, and never proved 
by political acts. And it is hard to under- 
stand how this fable could be made even 
by Prokesch, who knew everything about 
" Franz " and who never told fables. If Em- 
peror Francis would allow his grandchild to 
walk in his own way, he had many occasions 
to give proof of it. And if Count Prokesch- 
Osten knew the instruction given by the 
Emperor to Count Hartmann, June 9, 1831, 
— and he certainly did know it, — ^how could 
he make such a remark? 

" I strictly forbid you," says Emperor 
Francis to the said Count, " to allow anyone, 
whom you do not know entirely, to see the 
Prince who is not to be infected by danger- 
ous ( ?) and adventurous ideas." 

I am really far from excusing the grand- 
father's narrow-mindedness towards his 
grandchild, for which no political circum- 
stance could lay down reasons, — ^however, we 



Zhc Iking of IRome 31 

can frankly say, the bad treatment of little 
Napoleon was not all his fault. Emperor 
Francis, on account of his education, was ac- 
customed to let other persons think for him, 
and he stood entirely under Metternich's in- 
fluence. The Chancellor's political merits 
were highly esteemed by him, — therefore he 
was not energetic enough to impede his pro- 
posals, and it is undoubted he would do every- 
thing in his grandchild's favor ... if Met- 
ternich had given him adequate suggestions. 

And Metternich? 

Well, he would become a better Austrian 
than his Emperor. 

Certainly, he had to save the Austrian po- 
litical interests, but he could do that without 
any injustice. 

It was an injustice to estrange little Na- 
poleon from his native country, even from 
his father! Metternich would hke to see 
" Franz " forget everything about his father 
and France. But he could not succeed on 
account of Franz's sincere and enthusiastic 
love towards his father and France, and that 
makes the Chancellor once more guilty of 
injustice. 



32 Zhc Mng of IRome 

Who could imagine an education wMcK 
does not allow the pupil to love his father 
and his native country? Such cannot be 
called "education," — it is crueltj^ and . . . 
stupidity. 

When ISTapoleon II. had occasion to return 
to Paris and to ascend his father's throne, he 
was by all means prevented from doing it. It 
is possible to find a reason for this injustice 
in view of Europe's political concert, — but, 
who could find reason or excuse for the fact 
that " Franz " never could keep possession of 
" his " Princedom of Parma, and that he never 
had seen " his " Reichstadt manor? 

It is hard, if not merely impossible, to find 
in history's dictionary an adequate expres- 
sion for such treatment. It is an undoubted 
historical fact, the whole Vienna Imperial pal- 
ace was afraid of little ^NTapoleon's splendid in- 
telligence. Therefore the motto was : to avoid 
the arousing of his intelligence. 

Marie Louise had not enough vigor, not 
enough motherly sentiment to do anything 
against these machinations. Her son's future, 
it can be frankly said, was in her hands, and 
she was the only one who could moderate 



Zhc Mm of 1Rome 33 

Metternich's blind odium and ailing fear. A 
little bit of perseverance, — a little bit of cour- 
age, — and a little bit of . . . love, — and 
young Napoleon's life were a happier one. 
A mother has not only to be courageous. A 
mother has to be, under certain circumstances, 
a hero. History shows us the greatest hero- 
ines among mothers. But Marie Louise did 
not belong to that class of women. She flat- 
tered Metternich, — she ever and ever gives 
thanks to her father without knowing what 
for, — she was ever satisfied. Her feebleness 
is a great excuse for her father. 

Why? 

If Emperor Francis had seen his daughter 
fighting for her son's and his grandchild's in- 
terest, it is impossible to think he would not 
appreciate his daughter's wishes. It may be, 
he had refused several of her requests, — ^how- 
ever, so many injustices would not have been 
done. 'But seeing his daughter the incarna- 
tion of contentment, he thought his grand- 
child's education and future were in the best 
way. To get a clear view of L'Aiglon, 
we have to elbow our way through many 
contradictions. 



34 ^be Iking of 1Rome 

For example: It was said, — and it is be- 
lieved to-day by a great many persons, — ^the 
teachers were forbidden to mention before the 
Prince his father's name^ even his French 
descent. 

Nonsense. 

That were too hard a task in view of the 
pupil's intelligence. Another piece of non- 
sense was to attribute excessive value to 
Emperor Francis's instruction, given to Met- 
ternich in the following: "I wish to hold in 
great respect before the Prince his father's 
name. Do not keep from him the truth, 
and teach him to love, to esteem, and to re- 
spect his father." 

To keep the straight way between these 
contradictions, it has to be stated that Met- 
ternich visited his helpless odium against Na- 
poleon upon his innocent son, and did 
everything to cross little Napoleon's political 
and historical career, even to juggle with 
history, — ^but he was not so insane as to deny 
his descent. 

And Dietrichstein's remarkable report, given 
to the Emperor, June 17, 1816, and say- 
ing: "It is undeniable we cannot keep from 



Zhc Iking of IRome 35 

the Prince his descent and his father's past 
glory, but, on the contrary, he should know 
everything, — ^however, it is of greatest conse- 
quence to tell him these things only when he 
has gained a certain degree of mental matur- 
ity, otherwise it were dangerous for him," — 
shows nothing else than his (Dietrichstein's) 
fixed delusion to surpass everybody even 
Metternich. 

One morning in July, 1816, the King of 
Rome, taking his daily walk accompanied by 
Foresti, took occasion to drive his teacher into 
a delicate conversation. 

" Will you tell me, please, who is the pres- 
ent Sovereign of France? " 

"A King," answered Foresti. 

" Well, but I know it was formerly an Em- 
peror. Could you tell me who it was?" 

" It was your father, my Prince, who lost 
his crown and all his power on account of his 
exceeding warlike inchnation." 

"Franz" hstened. Then he said he had 
read through the history of France {Fastes de 
France) y and after this characteristic remark 
he grieved that this book was taken from him, 
and said he knew all the wars fought by his 



36 Z\)C Mm of 1Rome 

father. And then the boy of six years asked 
the following question: 

" What do you think about my dear father? 
Was he a malefactor on account of all the 
blood he shed? " 

" It is not our task to judge of him. Love 
your father and pray for him." 

Returning from his walk he gladly said 
before Collin: "I had a talk with Captain 
Foresti about many things in regard to my 
dear father." 

Two years later he gave the same Collin a 
similar cross-examination. 

" Could you tell me," he said, " why I was 
called former King of Rome? " 

" That was at a time when your father had 
still great power." 

" Do you not know whether Rome did be- 
long to my father? " 

" Not at all. Rome is the Pope's 
residence." 

" My father is now in the East Indies, — ^is 
it not so?" 

" I cannot understand why he should be 
there?" 

" Then, where is he? My ladies told me 




Napoleon II. as Austrian Colonel 

(Pinx. : Daffinge.) 
Imperial Gallery of Engravings, Vienna 



Zhc Mm of 1Rome 37 

once my father had been in England, and later 
he escaped from there." 

" That is entirely wrong. Do you not re- 
member, my Prince, how many times you have 
misunderstood things you heard? I can give 
you my word of honor, your father has never 
been in England." 

For a short time the intelligent boy 
pondered, then he replied: "If I do well re- 
member, I heard my father struggled with 
penury." 

" How could you get such an idea? " 

"You may be right," the Prince replied, 
" it seems to me improbable too." 

iThen he smiled. And his smile showed 
the son's anxious love towards his father, about 
whom he liked so much to know the truth, — 
and his smile proved it to be hard to fool 
him. 

On another occasion, during a lesson, he 
once surprised Foresti with this remark : " I 
think Napoleon was, however, a great gen- 
eral, becoming King by his own power." 

"You are mistaken," replied Foresti, "he 
was Emperor." 

" Tell me, please, this Napoleon was the 



3^ Z\)C Iking of IRome 

same who married my mother one year before 
my birth? " 

" Certainly," answered the teacher, and at 
once made the remark, " all European powers 
were confederated against Napoleon because 
he would conquer all the world." 

Young Napoleon was not yet satisfied. 

" Many times I heard," he said, " my dear 
father to be now in Africa. Will you tell me 
the truth about that? " 

At the same instant an Imperial valet en- 
tered the room and saved Foresti from an- 
swering this delicate question, which he, now 
and later, always avoided answering. 

These conversations are a true mirror of the 
" cleared-up " spirit in which little Napoleon's 
education was led. No other arguments are 
necessary to see how this " education " was 
adequate to the grandfather's "love," and 
to the mother's " holy duties." 




V 

|Y grandchild's education has to be 
based upon the truth," says Em- 
peror Francis to Dietrichstein. 
" Answer any question. That is the straight- 
est and the best way to satisfy his curiosity 
and to gain his symj)athy, which you need if 
you will lead him with success." 

These words are perpetuated in a historical 
document, otherwise it could be disproved in 
view of the circumstance that the Emperor 
did nothing to prove their sincerity. 

The teachers did not disclose before their 
pupil his father's past glory, — ^they knew he 
would take notice of it without their " kind " 
communication. But they showed him his 
father merely as a heartless tyrant, and denied 
all his good and great qualities. Foresti was 
the most intimate of the teachers, which cir- 
cumstance was noticed by Wertheimer, the 
aforementioned historiographer, to show how 
much L'Aiglon Hked his tutors, and to prove 

39 



40 Zhc Iking of 1Rome 

thereby that no exception could be taken to 
the method of education. 

It is true Foresti's kindness was entirely 
appreciated by little Napoleon, — we can even 
speak without exaggeration of their mutual 
friendship. But this friendship was not sin- 
cere on Foresti's part, because he still did not 
tell him the truth as to his father's where- 
abouts. 

One of the teachers, Obenaus, gives an in- 
teresting characterization of " Franz." He 
calls him willful, vehement, and ungovernable. 
Then he complains that his pupil hates to 
learn " by rote," but at the same time he ad- 
mires his sharp intellect, his curiosity, and 
his unlimited ambition to know everything. 
Napoleon's son shows soon his inclination to 
independence; he is looking out for occasion 
to do his own will; and having his will entirely 
suppressed, he, for example, opens his over- 
coat not caring for his health and the nasty 
and cold weather, — only to do what he wishes 
to do. Many particulars could be told to 
show how anxiously he searched to be free, at 
least for a moment, from his teachers' control, 
which has gone beyond the limits called for 



Z\)C Iking of IRome 41 

by a reasonable education, Obenaus always 
showed a kind demeanor towards his pupil, 
and he was always consistent in his treatment 
towards him, — however, he wished to turn 
Franz's mind to Metternich's instructions, 
but he never used any force, on the contrary, 
he tried to fulfill his duty with much of tact. 

Dietrichstein, on the contrary, was often 
exceedingly severe, even impolite towards 
"Franz"; he was hypnotized by the fixed 
idea that every responsibility was upon his 
shoulders, — ^he feared Metternich, and his 
ambition was to become the most influential 
of the teachers. It may be, he did this not 
entirely because of cruelty, but through ser- 
vility; however, he is guilty of rude injustice. 
QBy all means he would stifle his pupil's lively 
humor, to erase, he says, radically any war- 
like inclination. He is not only the leader 
of Franz's education; — ^he really makes psy- 
chological studies about him, but for his own 
and not for Franz's good. 

The difference between Dietrichstein and 
Metternich is only this: 

Metternich fears Napoleon II. and He does 
everything to impede the possibility of Franz's 



42 Zhc Iking of TRome 

political future, — Dietrichstein does not be- 
lieve the political situation could be ever 
favorable for his pupil, therefore, (oh, the 
gentleman he is!) he anxiously takes care to 
save his pupil any grief, which could be not 
avoided, if the Prince were educated for a 
Sovereign. He goes even further in his 
imagined wisdom, thinking to save Franz's 
own interest, suffocating every self-willed in- 
clination, and he does it with a roughness. He 
would make the lion's son a lamb. That was 
a hard task, even a dangerous undertaking 
with the young lion's brain and sensible heart. 
And he thought he had succeeded, though he 
could not reach his end. He could only squeeze 
the young lion in a lambskin, but he could 
not make him feel quite at home in this 
" stranger " suit. 

Dietrichstein was satisfied with himself. 

All right. 

The Frenchman says : " Chaqu'un a son 
gout." (Everybody does according to his 
taste) . 

We can easily see in which way Dietrich- 
stein became satisfied with himself. 

" I do not like to become an Austrian. I 



^be Mm of 1Romc 43 

have to be, I scarcely dare say it, a good 
Frenchman," says the boy, probably under the 
influence of the " cleared up " education ( ?) . 
And Dietrichstein, the heroic soldier, took oc- 
casion to put into his diary the following re- 
mark: "That is too much! He has to be 
made, by all means, all over an Austrian." 

And so on. 

He really was proud of his great " success," 
but he has forgotten, it was not to his effort 
alone that little Napoleon's will was later en- 
tirely quelled. 

Every excess in education is a fault. If 
such an excess be made maliciously, then it 
becomes a sin, a grievous crime, which bears 
with all its heavy weight upon the educator's 
conscience. It may be, if Dietrichstein really 
would give his pupil a good education, trying 
to turn him with kindness into an Austrian, 
he could have gained more of success, because 
what he reached cannot be called " success." 

" The Prince," he says to Archduke Rainer, 
September 17, 1816, "already reads French 
fluently. I am exceedingly glad to inform 
Your Imperial Highness, he has spoken Ger- 
man for three weeks for the most part, and 



44 Zhc Mm of IRome 

shows in this language a pretty cleverness. 
It is remarkable, some weeks before he spoke 
German only to his servants, but at the pres- 
ent time he uses this language without any 
force." 

And he calls that a " success." 

Is it a success if a young French boy uses 
the German language in his conversation with 
his teachers, when they speak to him only in 
German? If he could inform the said Arch- 
duke, " the Prince already likes to speak Ger- 
man," that were really a success, but he never 
could reach that. 

When the King of Home was fifteen 
years old, Dietrichstein was happy in saying: 
" The Prince speaks the French language 
sufficiently well. His pronunciation is cor- 
rect but his writing is imperfect. The way in 
which he expresses his thoughts shows clearly 
that he thinks in German. His translations 
from German to French show plenty of " Ger- 
manisms," and he is simply unable to write a 
letter in French." 

Why does not this " proud gentleman " tell 
us the greater " success " his pupil made in 



Zbc Mm ot IRome 45 

the German language, the more he disliked 
this language? 

Count Dietrichstein really became blind 
about everything except the imagined glory 
of his "successes." No, he was not blind 
when he saw the golden eagles upon some 
books brought by Marie Louise from Paris, 
and he anxiously took these " dangerous " 
books from " Franz." And that was called a 
" cleared-up " education afraid of printed 
French Imperial eagles. 

Young Napoleon liked to speak often about 
his father. Who does not like to do it? 
Later he gave up this innocent pleasure, hear- 
ing ever and ever the same reply : " These 
things you know only by nursery tales which 
you heard when you were a child, unable to 
understand such fables." 



VI 




T has been told before that Dietrichstein 
was anxious by all means to remove 
the French ladies from young Na- 
poleon, but he had hard work. These ladies 
were brought by Marie Louise and he had to 
reiterate many times his requests before Count- 
ess Montesquieu, the Lady of Honor, and Ma- 
dame Marchand, the boy's faithful and true 
nurse, were finally sent away. Then Emile 
Goberau, the French valet's son, a boy of 
seven, and young Napoleon's favorite play- 
fellow — even Flambeau, the true old grenad- 
ier, who never left the Prince's ante-chamber, 
were removed too. All these Dietrichstein 
thought to be dangerous obstacles to a good 
education. 

Going further in his mania he forbade his 
fellow-laborers to speak with " Franz " about 
his father and this fantasy goes so far that he 
is afraid even when he sees his pupil playing 
with his wooden soldiers, which play, he thinks, 

46 




Miss Maude Adams as Duke of Reichstadt in Rostand's 
"L'Aiglon" 



Zhc MrxQ of 1Rome 47 

may awaken warlike inclinations. From 1815 
to 1830 he anxiously took care to avoid any 
" dangerous " conversation, and during this 
time nobody could enter young Napoleon's 
room without undergoing a hard cross-exami- 
nation. Even when Gen. Belliard, sent by 
the French King Louis Philippe, came to see 
the Prince, Dietrichstein curtly forbade him 
this visit. 

If we like to know Dietrichstein's " peda- 
gogical wisdom," it is remarkable to hear his 
own words, spoken to young Napoleon Au- 
gust 24, 1826, because he did not like to take 
his daily walk: "Do what you wish. You 
hold your future in your own hand. We, 
your tutors, can easily give of ourselves a most 
satisfactory account. Our great merits ( ?) 
in regard to your education are well known 
and appreciated by everybody. But I think 
it is now time you would take into considera- 
tion how greatly you are responsible for every- 
thing you do. You are responsible not only 
at the present time, but in the next world too." 
This great philosopher — do you not think 
Dietrichstein was one? — contradicted himself 
many times. He does not like to speak with 



48 Z\)c Mm of 1Rome 

young Napoleon about the Great French Em^ 
peror, and he carefully avoids any remem- 
brance of Napoleon's glory. Then in 1818 
he says to Obenaus: " I think it is time to in- 
form the Prince, together with other things, 
about his father's history, of which he now 
knows so many particulars. I am very sorry 
I could not find the proper book which could 
be used for that purpose without any danger. 
However, I trust in you that you will perform 
this dehcate task wisely in the Prince's inter- 
est as you have hitherto done." 

The same year Franz was appointed by his 
grandfather Captain in the Austrian Imperial 
Hunter regiment. The new Captain was 
happy. The following letter, sent by him to 
Foresti, shows his exceeding joy. 

"Vienna, August 19, 1828. 
"My Dear Colleague: 

" I hasten to inform you of the happiest 
event of my hfe. This is an event, which, at 
last, the more unexpected it is, the more joy- 
ful it has been. It makes me the happiest 
man in the world. 

" Yesterday, before noon, the Emperor 



tTbe Mna of 1Rome 49 

called my mother to his writing-room. After 
a brief interview, she came out with shining 
face, and apparently in good humor, spoke 
with the General and the Count. 

" During the dinner she spoke much with 
the Emperor, always smiling at me. After 
dinner the Emperor played, as usual, cards. 
Then, finishing the play, he called me. ' I 
know,' the Emperor said, *you have wanted 
something for a long time,' while in my em- 
barrassment, I could only answer : * I, your 
Majesty?' 'Yes,' replied the Emperor, 'and 
to show my appreciation of my satisfaction, 
and for the services I expect from you, I here- 
with appoint you Captain in my Hunting 
Regiment. Be a good man, that is all I ask of 
you.' With these words His Majesty dis- 
missed me. I was so elated that I could hardly 
respond. As I got into the reception-room, 
I found there the Empress (he ever called his 
mother * Empress'), the Archduchesses, and 
all the gentlemen, already waiting to con- 
gratulate me. I hurried to my mother know- 
ing I owed my appointment to her. 

" She had been preparing the Emperor for 
the last few days, but yesterday she openly 



50 ^be Iklno of IRome 

came out with her request. The Emperor was 
first reluctant and wanted to know Count 
Dietrichstein's opinion. He joined my mother 
in her request and this decided it. The de- 
cision was made yesterday, and Gen. Kutsch- 
era, of whom I shall always think with deep 
gratitude, notified Prince Hohenzollern (the 
Commander of the Austrian Imperial Hunt- 
ers) last night. 

" I shall also soon be announced as a Cap- 
tain in the army. Gen. ISTeipperg, who al- 
ways manifested his good will towards me, 
was glad that I have become an officer, and 
Gen. Salis, whom I told about my appoint- 
ment, immediately thought how pleased you 
would be to hear this. 

" And, really, mj^ dear friend, you are 
the one, whom I should first inform of my ap- 
pointment to the officers' corps, which you 
have been serving with great honors for years, 
since you gave me the first lessons in the mili- 
tary profession, outside of which you told me 
I must not choose any other. Now we shall 
really study the military sciences, and nothing 
shall discourage me. 

" My self-respect and the desire to become 



tTbe Mm of IRome 51 

worthy of the great honor bestowed upon me 
will change me. I shall give up all childish- 
ness, and shall become a man in the truest 
sense of the word. This is my earnest de- 
cision. It is unnecessary to say, my dear 
Colleague, that there is no question yet of 
entering active service, but I know that this 
can only take place when I shall have finished 
my studies and proved the maturity of my 
mind. 

" The Count will write you in detail about 
my equipment and I only ask you to kindly 
hasten it. 

" Give my best regards to Mr. Obenaus, 
Major Weiss, and Barthelemy, who shall, I 
feel certain, be glad of my appointment, and 
also the Court Chaplain. 

" I remain, dear Colleague, 

" Your servant and friend, 
" Franz von Reichstadt, Captain." 




The youth of seventeen who gained his men- 



52 ^be Mm of 1Rome 

tal maturity so quickly, was on account of his 
appointment so hopeful! Alas he had to be 
convinced soon that he had with this " appoint- 
ment " absolutely nothing else than the uni- 
form. The Captain was moreover treated 
like a schoolboy, and even his thoughts were 
anxiously controlled. IS'o wonder he searched 
every occasion to show his own will and it was 
not his fault that he had only childish occasions 
to do this. During lessons he acted very often 
as if he were absolutely incapable of under- 
standing his teachers' explanations and the 
easiest questions were answered by him in a 
wrong way, and only after a while, having 
fooled the desperate teachers, he shows that he 
understood everything. He was exceedingly 
curious, he liked to know everything, and he 
passed all his free time in reading. In learn- 
ing as his father did, he does not care to 
know his lessons " by heart." He " under- 
stood " all the things he learned. 

Often he played during lessons or he played 
a trick upon one of his teachers ; he even j8.bbed 
a little, but only because he knew it to be 
forbidden. 

These are some of the drawbacks of this 



Z\)e Mm of IRome 53 

" excellent " education, suffocating all the 
individuality. 

He watches Dietrichstein's every move- 
ment and when he sees him talking with some 
one of his entourage, he steals up and hides be- 
hind the door or some piece of furniture listen- 
ing, hoping that he might hear a few words 
. . . about his father. 

Metternich had no reason to fear Napoleon 
II. as all his will had been thoroughly ener- 
vated. 

Young Napoleon was a good-hearted boy, 
inclining to gaiety. These qualities were 
anxiously controlled. 

When he was ten years old, he took a walk 
accompanied by Dietrichstein. Beside the 
road he saw a sparrow eating a caterpillar and 
big tears proved his good heart. He gladly 
gives his favorite toys to the boys he sees in 
his walks, and often he distributes all his 
pocket-money to the poor. Many times he 
says how he regrets poor children being in need 
of bread while he abounds in all good things. 
The amiability of his character is shown in 
that he never was angry with Dietrichstein, not 
even when he gained his maturity, and under- 



54 tTbe Mng of IRome 

stood all the injustices; and he shows attach- 
ment for one who rules him in every trifle. He 
even appears like a little hero saying to his 
tutor: " I will think of you with gratitude for 
ever." 

We would like to know for what will he think 
with gratitude of Dietrichstein? Foresti tells 
us of saying to Dietrichstein: *' Your Excell- 
ency, we better keep the straight way of 
justice." 

When the King of Rome was eighteen years 
of age, 1828, Emperor Francis made him 
Colonel of the Sixtieth Austrian Infantry 
regiment, and on this occasion he wished to 
declare his majority and to give him a separate 
household. Possibly he would calm his remorse. 
Really that would have been a great thing 
for young Napoleon, because then be would 
have been equal to all the other members of 
the Habsburgian family, and he would be 
indemnified for many injustices. But Die- 
trichstein again was filled with " anguish." 
*' Whatever resolution may be made by Your 
Imperial Majesty," he says in his report, Au- 
gust 28, 1828, "my conscience is calmed. 



Z\)C Mm of IRome 55 

However I should feel the sincerest sorrow if 
my well-meant proposition should not be taken 
into consideration because I see the Prince's 
future would become most dangerous in that 
way. I have been so many years at his side — 
I know him thoroughly, and therefore it seems 
to be my duty to call Your Majesty's high at- 
tention to the circumstance, that the Prince has 
to be judged by a special law." 

Then he further says he knows the Prince the 
best and he fears to jump him into dangerous 
political adventures for which his majority 
would furnish many on occasion. 

And he succeeded. Emperor Francis, how- 
ever, gave to his grandchild the title and uni- 
form of a Colonel, but nothing else. And that 
was only a little bit more than nothing. 

Count Dietrichstein retained even after he 
left his employ, a decisive influence upon Na- 
poleon II. 's education, and he always did 
everything against his former pupil's interest. 

'^ I would rather know my boy to be 
strangled than to see him become an Aus- 
trian Priiice" said Great Napoleon at one 
time, when he spoke of his son's future. 

However, we have to be impartial. 



56 Zbc Mm of IRome 

It is true young Napoleon's education was 
led exclusively by the view of Austrian poli- 
tics. It is true he had to suffer many great 
and hard injustices; and it is undeniable he 
could have been treated even without any of- 
fence to this policy in a much kinder and bet- 
ter way. But it is wrong, it is a clumsy 
fable that his tutors had him tortured to death 
hke base-minded hirelings, and it is still 
greater nonsense to believe they did it, not 
only with Metternich's, but even with 
the Emperor's knowledge, yea even by his 
command. 

In 1842 a pamphlet was published in which 
was said the aforesaid Count Prokesch-Osten 
gave the King of Rome a piece of poisoned 
watermelon. By another party it was told 
his tutors had maliciously ruined his morals, 
and these fabulists tell dreadful stories about 
a notorious dancer, Fanny Elsler. 

Count Montbel, the French Ambassador at 
Vienna, positively disproves these fables by 
immediate experience, and the story of at- 
tempted poisoning was clearly disproved by 
the said Count Prokesch-Osten, who, later, had 
occasion to see Napoleon III. and whom he 



Zbc Iking of IRome 57 

assured that his cousin, " Franz," was not even 
acquainted with Fanny Elsler. 

The act, taken upon Napoleon II.'s death, 
July 23, 1832, and signed by the most cele- 
brated Austrian physicians (Malfatti, Wirer, 
Jemlitsch, Hieber, Rima, and Zangler), and 
based on the autopsy, clearly tells us the cause 
of his death. This act says young Napo- 
leon's brain, heart, and liver were normal; his 
stomach was strikingly small, his chest also 
too small, and his left lung thoroughly de- 
stroyed by pus. Therefore, it is clear, 
" Franz " was not killed by the poisoned wa- 
termelon nor by his " friendship " with Fanny 
Elsler. A many times more dangerous 
enemy: phthisis killed him! 

Foresti's diary, date July 22, 1832, has the 
following remark: " The Prince died July 22, 
1832, five o'clock in the morning at the Schoen- 
brunn Imperial palace. His death was 
caused by phthisis, and by . . . foretold by 
Obenaus." 

These dashes gave occasion to the afore- 
mentioned clumsy fables. But what do they 



mean 



They mean the said Obenaus mistrusted 



58 Zhc Iking of 1Rome 

from the first the celebrated Doctor Malfatti, 
the physician-in-chief of the Vienna Imperial 
Court whom he says is responsible for a wrong 
diagnosis. He did not like to tell frankly his 
opinion of the physician, so these dashes do 
not mean anything else than: "Doctor Mal- 
fatti's stupidity." 

On another page of his diary Foresti says: 
" It was sorrowful to see how these " would-be 
geniuses" [he means Malfatti and Hieber], 
stuck to their wrong diagnosis, when they 
knew the destroying disease and their big 
mistake." 

It is a remarkable historical fact that the 
King of Home was doctored for liver com- 
plaint and the real disease was recognized by 
the " medical celebrities " only on the last day. 
But there is no reason to cast suspicion upon 
these physicians. However, the fact that they 
were Metternich's, yes, even Emperor Fran- 
cis's physicians does not excuse their ignorance. 





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VII 




HE King of Rome was well-beloved 
by everybody, though it will be hard 
-J to believe this of Count Dietrich- 
stein. Only Metternich hated him. 

His winsome appearance, his personal 
amiability and his fascinating look made 
everybody forget he was the son of the late 
hated Napoleon. 

His grandmother, the Austrian Empress, 
called him " My dear little boy," and she 
signed her letters, " Thy sincerely loving 
grandmamma." Archduchess Sophie, the 
mother of the present Austrian Emperor and 
Hungarian King, who nursed " Franz " many 
times during his illness called him " My dear 
old boy," and her husband. Archduke Francis 
Charles, signed his letters, " Thy tender lov- 
ing Franz." We can see he was not in need 
of love. But all these had no power to do 
anything for their beloved cousin and they 

59 



6o Zhc Mm of IRome 

had to be satisfied to show their love in good 
words, and kind treatment. 

The time came soon when " Franz " did not 
care much for any love. It was the beginning 
of the end. His humor became day by day 
more sad. He lost his gaiety and his winsome 
smiles could be seen but seldom, and when he 
did smile those about him were forced to turn 
their heads and wipe away the tears from their 
eyes. That was not young Napoleon's nor 
" Franz's " smile — that was death's cruel grin! 
He cast down his talking blue eyes, he went 
about with his head cast down as if he were 
walking in another world, where he at last! — 
would soon know the truth about his father, 
from whom the cruel fates had torn him, and 
who loved him so much. 

The weaker he got the more he spoke about 
his father and he wept only for shame. But 
when he was alone with Archduchess Sophie 
then his tears ran freely. 

Dietrichstein himself was seized with great 
consternation when, coming to see his former 
pupil, he saw the great change, but he had for- 
gotten he had his part in it: he would have 
turned him into an Austrian Prince but he was 



Zhc Iking of 1Rome 6i 

unable to consummate this task. He filled 
the youth's heart with bitterness and that only. 

The healthy development of " Franz " was 
essentially hindered by his sudden growth 
together with the fact that his heart was filled 
with so many wishes and frustrated hopes 
that he was never able to reahze. The youth 
of twenty-one years appeared like a dried up 
old man, and the fact that he was in need of 
the sympathy which even the poorest beggar 
enjoys, made his sufferings harder still. 
Marie Louise, who had changed from Great 
ISTapoleon's wife to an " elegant " adventuress, 
confined herself to saying to her boy only 
" good night." A " good-night " after which 
there was no " good-morning." 

Captain Baron Moll, the most intimate 
friend of " Franz," did not leave him for a 
moment during his last days; he did every- 
thing to alleviate his sufferings; he spared no 
trouble to soothe his pains. 

" You see, dear friend, what a hard time I 
have made for you," said Napoleon II. a few 
hours before his death, with a touching look 
as if he would beg Moll's pardon. 

July 21, 1832, " Franz " talked with Moll 



62 Zbc Mm of IRome 

about his favorite plan, the journey to Naples, 
and he was discontented to hear from Moll 
that the coach ordered especially for that pur- 
pose was not j^et ready. At the same time 
Doctor Malfatti states death's immediate ap- 
proach . . . and in the Habsburgian fam- 
ily vault masons are about to prepare a new 
sepulchre. 

The night, his last one, notwithstanding his 
poor condition, was fairly good, and he had a 
short sleep. Then, July 22, fifteen minutes 
before four o'clock in the morning, he waked 
up and turned cold all over. 

His agony begun. 

" Help ! Help ! I will sink I" he cries, shak- 
ing, and then, exerting all his power, he re- 
gained for a short time his calmness. 

" I want to see my mother ! Call her ! 
Keep off this table! I do not need anything 
more! Mother! Mother!" After these words 
he convulsively presses Moll's hand, and after 
a pitifully short silence he sat up with extreme 
exertion in his bed. 

" Compresses! Compresses! " he cries. And 
then he fell backwards. Moll hastened to call 
Marie Louise who some days before arrived 



TOe Iking of IRome 63 

at Vienna. When she, accompanied by Arch- 
duke Charles and the whole Imperial staff, 
entered her son's death-room, she, in sight of 
her dying child, fainted away. 

It was too late! 

The Com't Chaplain came to administer ex- 
treme unction and " Franz " kept his eyes upon 
the priest's every motion. Then he laid his 
tired head on his cushions. 

The 22d of July, 1832, at five o'clock in the 
morning, " L'Aiglon " left the same room, 
where his father had addressed (1805) his 
proclamation against the Bom'bons. 

He left it forever! 

At the fifteenth anniversary of his ap- 
pointment as Duke of Keichstadt he followed 
his father's call: " Come on, my dear child. 
Now thou art mine, and nobody can keep thee 
away ! " 

The death of Napoleon II. roused not only 
in France, but in Austria, too, great 
compassion. 

" Emperor Francis was deeply touched by 
his grandchild's death," says Foresti. And 
the Emperor himself approves these words, 



64 ZTbe Iking of 1Rome 

saying: " If I consider my grandchild's suf- 
ferings, then his death seems to me his re- 
demption. But I will miss him all the time." 

And Metternich? 

He said to Emperor Francis : " I am glad 
that Your Imperial Majesty has not seen the 
Prince. I never saw such a sorrowful sight." 

These words are the Chancellor's true photo- 
graph. 

In the Vienna Habsburgian vault (in the 
cloister of Cappucine Fathers), we find the 
following epitaph: 

" To the perpetual memory of Joseph 
Charles Francis, Duke of Reichstadt, son of 
Napoleon, Emperor of France, and Marie 
Louise, Archduchess of Austria, who was born 
at Paris, March 20, 1811, in his cradle called 
King of Rome, distinguished from his contem- 
poraries by his excellent mental and bodily 
qualities and his winsome appearance and 
discourse; making remarkable progress in 
study of the military profession, and showing 
exceeding cleverness in exercises. Phthisis, 
pitifully, called him back to his ances- 
tors, at Schoenbrunn, near Vienna, July, 22, 
1832." 



JLhc Mm of IRome 65 

Some persons may be will find something 
satisfactory in this epitaph. 

Well, if it seems to bring satisfaction, that 
there is made remembrance of Napoleon I., 
even of the Kingdom of Rome, we will not 
fight against such an opinion. However, we 
like to state Napoleon II. was not in need of 
any recognition. He could be made an Aus- 
trian Prince — ^he could be called " Franz" — 
though he was Great Napoleon's son! 

May he have an undisturbed, pleasant sleep ! 



.Supplements "ff 



67 




Countess Cametata 

OUNTESS NAPOLEONA ELIZA 
CAMERATA, born in Normandy, 
June 3, 1806, was the daughter of 
Great Napoleon's sister, Marie Anna Ehza- 
beth Bonaparte. Her father, Fehee, Duke 
of Piombino and Lucca, went, after the Em- 
peror, his brother-in-law, lost all his power, 
to Trieste, then to Vienna, and later to Bo- 
logna. Napoleona Eliza was married in 1825 
to Count Camerata, but five years later they 
were divorced and after that time she was sup- 
ported by her father's bounty. When she 
died her son. Count Napoleon Camerata, in- 
herited her fortune of about fifteen million 
francs, which she had received on the death of 
her father. He received an appointment in 
the French Navy. After the political strata- 
gem of Napoleon III., 1851, he became a 
member of the French Senate. Two years 
later he committed suicide. 

69 



70 ^be Mng of 1Rome 

The said Countess Napoleona Eliza Cam- 
erata had a hard task: she would secure the 
escape of her cousin, the King of Kome, from 
Vienna, and on account of this undertaking 
manjr strange stories were spread about 
her. 

The truth is she was a courageous and very 
interesting young woman — of course, every 
courageous woman is interesting — and it was 
not her fault that she could not take an im- 
portant part in making history. 

When she saw her uncles, Joseph and Lu- 
cian Bonaparte, would only help their cousin 
by letters and written communications, she be- 
came impatient, and she hastened to " do " 
something for the young " prisoner." 

August 26, 1830, she says in her letter sent 
from Rome where she was living, to her 
friend, Countess Lipona: "Who can foretell 
the future ending of the pohtical events? For 
my part, I think we are at the beginning of a 
great event." 

Really she stood before a great event which 
was frustrated without her fault. 

Still at the beginning she showed her po- 
litical cleverness. 



Counteee Camerata n 

To get the necessary passport she asked the 
personal influence of the Pope ^vith the pre- 
text that she would make an absolutely private 
visit to her father's Vienna home. In that 
way she at once received her passport, and she 
cleverly solved another hard task. To get her 
passport countersigned by the Austrian Em- 
bassy at Rome, she went to see the Ambassa- 
dor, Count Lutzow, and would make him 
believe that she could not stay any longer so 
far away from her father whom she wished to 
see once more. " I am now just like my 
father," she said, " an Austrian subject." Lut- 
zow believed this story and countersigned her 
passport with the condition that she shall go 
via Venice and Trieste. He has no idea that the 
Countess will use his signature for a political 
purpose. His letter sent September, 1830, 
to Duke Porcia, Governor of Trieste, shows 
how " well " he was informed about the young 
Countess's undertaking: " I am sure," he says, 
" there is no reason to give the Countess any 
political importance. I know she is very proud 
of her uncle (Napoleon I) , whom she admires, 
and whom she likes to imitate, but I do not 
think her able, nor capable of any political 



72 Zbc Mm of IRome 

undertaking. For such things she has not 
enough inteUigence nor consideration, further- 
more she has not enough money; for such a 
purpose." 

When Countess Camerata arrived at Ven- 
ice she again sent a letter to her friend. 
Countess Lipona, informing her that she was 
going on a voyage " about a very important 
affair." This letter fell into wrong hands: 
those of a police officer, and he brought it to 
the Police-prefect Cattanei, who, after read- 
ing it, sent, October 18th, a special report 
to Baron Sedlnitzky, the Vienna Police-pre- 
fect, calling his attention to the Countess. 
" This young adventuress," he says, " un- 
doubtedly seems to set her wits to work in 
favor of the Bonapartes." The same Cat- 
tanei called the Countess to his office to see 
her passport and when he could not find any; 
legal reason to stop her travel he personally 
investigated her baggage thoroughly hoping 
to find something " suspicious." Not being 
able to find anything, he let her go. 

Countess Camerata arrived at Trieste Sep- 
tember 15th, where she had an interview in 
regard to her plan with her aunt, Marie 



Counte00 Camerata 73 

Annunziata Murat, ex-Queen of Naples. 
The next day she continued her travels. 

Frederick Masson, one of Napoleon's 
biographers, tries to disprove in his essay 
" L'Aiglon et la Comtesse Camerata," issued 
in the June copy, 1900, of the Bevue de 
PariSj that the Countess ever had a passport, 
even though she had been in Vienna, but later, 
when he saw his mistake he retracted his opin- 
ion. It is a historical fact that she received 
the passport and reached Vienna, but it is sur- 
prising, however, how she could get so far in 
her undertaking with the surveillance she was 
under by the anxious Austrian police? She 
had one great advantage, that she would make 
everyone believe that she really would become 
an Austrian subject. Later the same police 
had reason to regret their somewhat careless 
surveillance. 

The historical fact is, the Countess was on 
November 11, 1830, at the Vienna Imperial 
palace, where she found out which way her 
cousin is to go as he went from the second 
floor to Obenaus' room downstairs. There 
she met him and at this interview she enthusi- 
astically siezed and kissed her cousin's hand, 



74 ^be Mm of IRome 

and at his protest she cried : " Who may for- 
bid me to kiss my Emperor's hand?" 

Probably at this interview she had no time 
to intimate to her cousin about her plan. This 
is proved by letters she sent to him. But this 
interview really happened, and that young 
Napoleon knew the visitor is proved by Die- 
trichstein's diary, which date, November 11, 
1830, has the following remark: " The Prince 
has seen down stairs near Obenaus's room the 
Countess Camerata." 

The Countess spoke German fluently and 
owing to this she was able to bribe one of the 
valets who smuggled her letters into the Im- 
perial palace. At the question, why L'Aiglon 
did not take his cousin's advice (?) we have 
to answer, because these letters fell into Die- 
trichstein's hands, who tells us in his diary, 
November 30 : " Countess Camerata sent two 
letters to the Prince." 

Count Prokesch-Osten — it is hard to find 
out the reason, why — tries to disprove that the 
Countess had time to see her cousin, and he 
says, she could not have arrived at Vienna be- 
fore November 9th, and two days, he says, 
were too short a time to find an opportunity 



CountesB Camerata 75 

to enter the Imperial palace secretly. Now 
we know the Countess left Trieste October 
19th, and she certainly, even with the slowest 
post-chaise, could reach Vienna within ten 
days, in which case she arrived at the Austrian 
metropolis at least two weeks before the said 
interview. 

Another surprising remark of the same 
Count Prokesch is an untruth : he would make 
us believe neither Duke Metternich nor Baron 
Sedlnitzky, the Vienna Police-prefect, knew 
nothing about the Countess's journey and ar- 
rival in Vienna, and he says this " secret " 
came out only after young Napoleon's death. 
The historical fact is, Metternich and Sedlnit- 
zky knew very well about her arrival, they 
knew everything about her journey to Vienna 
and they were exactly informed in regard to 
all her movements. The Archives of the 
Vienna ministerium for home affairs has a let- 
ter of Metternich addressed to Count Lutzow, 
the aforesaid Ambassador, dated May 3, 1831, 
in which the Chancellor informs the Ambassa- 
dor in the following words : " Countess Cam- 
erata (he says: * Frau von Camerata') was 
expelled from Vienna where she left a disa- 



76 ^be Mm of IRome 

greeable memory. She undertook the danger- 
ous task of helping the Duke of Reichstadt 
to escape in order that he might have the lead- 
ing part in Bonapartian politics. She 
was sorry that her undertaking came to no- 
thing, therefore, she did not like to return 
either to her father, nor to her brother, and she 
went to Prague, because she did not yet give 
up her plan, and she would stay for a time 
still on Austrian territory." 

At the same time at the Vienna Imperial 
Court it was resolved to take " Franz " to 
Prague, the Bohemian Capital, where he 
should take part in the military exercises. 
Really that were a good occasion to make the 
world believe young Napoleon thinks himself 
nothing else than an Austrian officer. But 
on account of his unexpected sickness this pro- 
ject could not be carried out and he never saw 
Prague. 

When Countess Camerata later was con- 
vinced that she would never see her cousin 
again and accomplish her plan, she returned 
to Italy. However, it is undeniable, she was 
a courageous woman. To promote family 
politics she was scorned and ill treated by the 



Counte00 Camerata n 

Vienna Imperial Court and Metternich with 
the venom which ever characterized him, sadly 
misjudged her. But this judgment does not 
at all belittle her character: her love for her 
country and her family. 

Anyway it remains an open and most im- 
portant historical question, what would have 
happened, if Countess Camerata's project had 
turned out well? 

All other stories spread about young Na- 
poleon's lovely cousin are nothing but fabri- 
cations, and were spread abroad for no good 
purpose. 




SOMETHING ABOUT AN INTER- 
ESTING POEM 

ETER JOHN BERANGER, the 

celebrated French poet, (born Paris, 
August 19, 1780, died July 16, 
1875), wrote in 1812 one of his most interest- 
ing poems entitled Les deux cousins, ou let- 
tre d'un petit Roi a un petit Prince ( " The 
two cousins, or letter of a little King to a little 
Prince"), in which he gives the Prince of 
Bourbon the advice that he should not trust 
those about him in their simulated, flattering 
loyalty, and that he should learn of the King 
of Rome how good luck is unsteady. 

August Marseille Baitbelemy, another 
French poet (who is not to be eoj?founded 
with August Barthelemy De Saint Hilaire, 
young Napoleon's teacher in the French lan- 
guage), follows B Granger's example and 
writes in 1825 another political poem about 
Napoleon II. entitled Le fils de VHomme, 

78 



En Untereating poem 79 

'(" The son of the Man ") , and this was a great 
surprise to the public. Barthelemy, the 
former implacable enemy of the Bonapartes, 
speaks now in the interest of one of them. 
This poem was published to try and turn the 
public mind (already somewhat favorable to 
young ISTapoleon) thoroughly in his favor, and 
therefore this publication jarred the Paris and 
Vienna governments like a bomb. 

With splendid enthusiasm Barthelemy 
speaks about the Great Emperor's son, and 
says he was sacrificed by the " heartless " 
Austrian politics. In the beginning he calls 
upon L'Aiglon not to forget his name, and to 
look out to regain his father's crown. Then 
he attacks the Austrian Imperial Court, and 
asks Metternich and the others why they will 
ruin by every means Napoleon's son? 

And then be prophecies, and says the faith- 
ful son of the " Grande Nation " will pull 
asunder his fetters, and he will return to his 
well-beloved France. 

And this prophecy frightened both the 
Bourbon and the Habsburg politicians. This 
poem is remembered on account of this char- 
acterizing circumstance. 



8o z\)c Iking of 1Rome 

Count Joseph Apponyi, the Austrian Am- 
bassador at Paris, calls, in his report sent to 
Metternieh, June 12, 1829, the Chancellor's 
attention to this poem. 

And Barthelemy? 

Like an exceedingly enthusiatic poet ex- 
plodes all the stories spread about young ISTa- 
poleon. In the first place he repeats the story 
of the poisoning. Afterward he goes to see the 
" Emperor." Arriving in Vienna December 
31, 1828, there he says he came only to offer 
a copy of his celebrated work. Napoleon en 
l^gypte to " Franz." Then he, January 3, 
1829, went to see Dietrichstein, he took with 
him two copies of his aforementioned book and 
offering one of them to the Count, asked him 
for permission to give the other copy to the 
Prince. The diplomatic Dietrichstein smil- 
ing takes both copies, explaining to the poet 
that the book has to be read by him thoroughly 
first, then he will give him his opinion in which 
behalf he may call again. 

Barthelemy distrusting the Count did not 
call again, but decided to carry out his own 
plans. For four weeks he conceals himself in 
Vienna, trying by all means to see young 



Bn IFntereBting poem 8i 

Napoleon. Then, at last, convinced he has no 
hope for success, breathing vengeance, returns 
to Paris, and upon arriving there he immedi- 
ately published his poem Le fits de VHomme. 

The French government taking notice of 
his publication gave a special order to confis- 
cate all the copies wherever they may be 
found, but the police could not find more than 
8000 copies three days after the poem was 
published, out of an issue of 300,000. 

" I worry about this order," says Count 
Apponyi to Metternich, "this may result in 
great trouble. However, the government 
cannot remain idle seeing how the principle of 
legitimacy will be shaken and the common 
peace disturbed." 

If the leaders of Austrian and Bourbon 
politics did not see and know young Napole- 
on's popularity, why then were the^ so afraid 
of this poem? 

At the Bourbon Royal Court it was a rule 
to stifle by all means any remembrance of the 
name " Napoleon," and now they; lost their 
calm. 

Portalis, the secretary for foreign affairs, 
who had to thank Great Napoleon for every- 

6 



82 Zhc Iking of IRome 

thing and who was formerly Napoleon's pro- 
tege became his enemy, involved Barthelemy 
in a law-suit alleging " high treason done by 
his poem." He really could not have taken 
a better way. He hoped to erase Napoleon 
II. from history forever, but on the contrary 
he made everybody talk about the famous suit 
and about Napoleon's son. Portalis instead 
of attaining his effect raised young Napole- 
on's popularity higher than was done by any- 
one else before him. 

The trial of Barthelemy's " crime " was be- 
gun July 29, 1822. A big crowd entirely 
filled the Court House and Victor Hugo, the 
great poet, also Gen. Gourgaud, Napoleon's 
faithful friend were among the audience. The 
public's great interest was once more height- 
ened by the interesting rumor that the 
defendant would appear before his judge 
without a lawyer, and would plead his case 
himself . . . versifying. 

And when Barthelemy was called to the 
bar, he really versified his apology, and the en- 
thusiasm reached such a height that no one 
cared that he was sentenced to a penalty of 
1000 francs, and to prison for three years, even 



En Untereatlna poem 83 

it was stated by the big crowd leaving the 
court room that this sentence raised young 
Napoleon's name and caused a perpetual re- 
membrance of his popularity. 

Obenaus's diary, August 11, 1829, saj^s: 
'' I had a talk with the Prince about Barthe- 
iemy's poem, and I told him the author had 
been here and should have liked to see him 
very much. I have shown the Prince this 
poem so he may see by what means some peo- 
ple like to mislead the public mind." On the 
same page he confesses to have made a " mis- 
take," speaking to his pupil about the matter, 
then he says the Prince read this poem and 
told him mth enthusiasm : " Yes, really, the 
chief object of my life can be nothing else than 
to become a worthy heir of my father's glory." 
That was the reason for the great fear caused 
by 'Barthelemy's poem. 
Do you not think so? 



Supplements Iff 



85 




SHORT VIEW OF THE GENEALOGY 

OF THE IMPERIAL HOUSE OF 

BONAPARTE 

|HE descent of the Bonaparte family 
goes back many centuries. The his- 
tory of Italy says this family was a 
celebrated one during the XIII century and 
the history of the Italian cities of Florence, 
Treviso, San Miniato, and Geneva are con- 
nected with the Bonaparte name. James 
("Jacopo") Bonaparte, who in 1527 pub- 
lished his celebrated historical work entitled 
Ragguaglio storico de tutto Uaccorso par 
giorno net sacco di Roma dell anno 1527 was 
still known as a descendant of the old nobility. 
Later another Bonaparte, Nicholas ("Nic- 
olo"), the author of a play, La vidova, was 
called to fill a chair in the university of San 
Miniato, and was a nobleman of high descent. 
The Bonaparte family became divided into 
different branches and one of them settled 

87 



ss Z\)C 1R!na of IRome 

during the XVI century in Ajaccio, the Capi- 
tal of the Isle of Corsica, there many of them 
held high social and political positions (Cit- 
tadini, Padri del Commune), The proper 
institutors of the Ajaccio Branch of Bona- 
parte's were Napoleon (" Nabulione di Buon- 
aparte"), the Emperor's grandfather, and 
Lucian, uncle of Great Napoleon, later Car- 
dinal of Paris. The following list shows the 
generations of the Imperial family of the 
Bonapartes: 



Bonaparte (Benealogi? ^9 



Nabulione di BUONAPARTE 



Carlo Bonaparte 
Born Ajaccio, Mar. 29, 1746,— died MontpeUier Feb. 34, 1786. 
(Maiy Letizia di Ramolino, of Saracen, North African, de- 
scent, born Ajaccio Aug. 24, 1750, died Rome Feb. 2, 1836.) 



I.) Joseph (Mary Julia Clary). 
II.) Napoleon (1. Josephine Tascher). 
(2. Marie Louise of Austria.) 

III.) Jerome (1. Elizabeth Patterson). 

(2. Catharinaof Wuerttemberg.) 
IV.) Lucien (1. Christine Boyer). 

(2. Laurencia Bleschamp.) 
V.) Mary Anna EUzabeth (Paschalis di Bacciocchi). 
VI.) Louis (Hortensia Beauharnais). 
VII.) Pauline CaroUne Mary (1. Leclerc). 

(2. CamiUo Borghese.) 
VIII.) Carolina Mary Annunziata (Joachime Murat). 



90 ^be Iking of IRome 



I.) Joseph, 

King of Spain. 
Born Corte, Jan. 1, 1768,— died Florence, July 24, 1844. 
(Mary Julia Clary, born Marseille, Dec. 27, 1777, — died Flor- 
ence, Apr, 7, 1845.) 



1. Charlotte Zenaide, 

July 6, 1801— July 8, 1845. 

(Prince Lucien Charles Bonaparte.) 

2. Charlotte, 
Oct. 31, 1802— Mar. 9, 1839. 
(Louis Napoleon, Duke of Bergen.) 




"Madame Mere" 

Letizia di Ramolino 

Young Napoleon's Grandmother 



Bonaparte (Benealooi? 91 



II.) Napoleon I, 
Emperor of France, King of Italy, etc. 
Born Ajaccio, Aug. 15, 1769, — died St. Helena, May 5, 1821. 
(1. Josephine Tascher de la Pager ie, widow of Marquis Stephen 

de Beauharnais.) 
(2. Marie Louise, Archduchess of Austria, daughter of Empe- 
ror Francis II.) 



Napoleon II, 

King of Rome, 

Prince of Parma, 

Duke of Reichstadt. 

Born Paris, March 20, 1811, — died Schoenbrunn, July 23, 1833. 



92 



^be Mm of IRome 



III.) Jerome, 

King of Westphalia, 

Count of Montfort. 

Born Ajaccio, Nov. 15, 1773,— died Apr. 4, 1860. 

(1. Elizabeth Patterson, Baltimore, Maryland, 

bgrn Dec. 27, 1803,— died April 9, 1879.) 



Jerome Napoleon, Camberwell, England, 

Born July 7, 1805,— died Baltimore, June 17, 1870. 

(Susan Mary Williams, Baltimore, Nov. 3, 1839.) 



1. Jerome Napoleon. 
Born Nov. 5, 1830,— 
died Sept. 3, 1893. 
(Caroline Le Roy (Appleton) 
Edgar, Sept. 7, 1871.) 



2. Charles Joseph, 

Attorney-Gen. of U. S. A. 

Born June 9, 1851. 

(Ellen Channing Day, 

Sept. 1,1875.) 



1. Louise Eugenie, 
Born Feb. 7, 1873. 
(Adam, Count Moltke- 
Huitfeldt, Dec. 30, 1896.) 



2. Jerome Napoleon 

Charles, 
Born Feb. 26, 1878. 




Hon. Charles J. Bonaparte 
Attorney-General of the United States 



Bonaparte (genealogy 



93 



III.) Jerome 

(see page 93). 
(3. Catherine, Princess of Wuerttemberg, Dec. 1, 1807.) 



1. Napoleon Je- 2. Mathilde Leti- 



rome Charles, 
Count of Mont- 
fort, Bom Graz 
(Austria) Aug. 
14, 1814. Died 
May 35, 1874. 



cia Wilhelmina, 
born May 37, 
1830, — died Par- 
is, 1903. (Ana- 
tole, Duke Dem- 
idow.) 



3. Napoleon Joseph 
Charles, "Prince 
Napoleon, Plon 
Plon." Born 
Trieste (Austria), 
Sept. 9, 1833,— 
died Mar. 8,1891. 
(C 1 o t h i 1 d e, 
daughter of Vit- 
torio Emmanu- 
ele, King of Sar- 
dina.) 



1. Napoleon Vic- 
tor, bom July 
19, 1863. 



Louis, Gen. in 
the Russian 
Army. Born 
June 16, 1864. 



3. Mary Leticia, 
bom Dec. 30, 
1866. (Amadeo, 
Duke of Aosta. 



94 ^Ibe Iking of IRome 

rV. ) L u c i e n , 

Duke of Canino. 

Bom Ajaccio, May 21, 1775,— died Viterbo, Apr. 30, 1840. 

(1. Christina Boyer, died May 14, 1821.) 



1. Caroline, born May 13, 1776,— died Rome, May 6, 1865. 

(1. Mario, Duke Gabrielli.) 
(2. Cettino Centamori.) 

2. Christina Egypte, born Oct. 19, 1798,— died May 18, 1847. 

(1. Arved, Count Posse.) 
(2. Lord Dudley.) 

3. Leticia, born Dec. 1, 1804, — died March 1, 1871. 

(Thomas Wyse. ) 



1. Marie Louise, 2. Thekla. 

born Apr. 25, 1832. (Francis Tiirr, Hungarian, 

(1. Solms.) former Gen. in Garibaldi's army.) 

(2. Eatazzi. 

(Rute.) 

4. Johanna, born July 22, 1806,— died 1826. 

(Marchese di Honorati.) 

5. Paul, 1808-1827. 

6. Louis Lucien, born Thorngrove, Jan. 1, 1813, — died Fano, 

Nov. 3, 1891. 

7. Peter, " The Black Prince, born Oct. 11, 1815,— died Ver- 

sailles, Apr. 7, 1881. 



1. Roland, May 19, 1858. 2. Johanna. 

(Marquis de Villeneuve.) 

8. Anton, born Frascati, Oct. 31, 1816,— died Florence, 1877. 

(Mary Anna CardinalU,) 

9. Alexandrine Mary, born Oct. 12, 1818, — died Perugia, 

Aug. 26, 1874. 
(Vincenzio Valentini, Count of Canino.) 
10. Constancia, born Jan. 30, 1821, — died Sept. 6, 1876. 




His Imperial Highness Prince Napoleon Victor 



Bonaparte (Benealooi? 95 



rV.) L u c i e n 

(see page 94). 

(2. Laurencia Alexandrine Bleschamp, born 1778, — died Sina- 

gagUa, July 12, 1855.) 



Charles Lucien Julius, Prince of Canino and Musignano, 

born Paris, May 24, 1803,— died July 29, 1857. 
(Charlotte Zenaide, daughter of King Joseph of Spain.) 



1. Joseph, Prince of Musignano, born Philadelphia, Sept. 13, 
1824,— died Eorae, Sept. 2, 1865. 

3. Lucien, Cardinal, born Nov. 25, 1828, — died Rome, 1868. 

3. Napoleon Charles, born Feb. 15, 1839. 

(Christine Ruspoli.) 

4. Julia, 1830. 

(Alessandro, Marchese di GaUo.) 

5. Carolina, born Mar. 4, 1832. 

(Peter Primoli.) 

6. Mary, born Mar. 18, 1835. 

(Paolo, Conte di Campbello.) 

7. Augusta, born Nov. 9, 1836. 

(Placidio, Duca di Gabrielli.) 

8. Bathilda, born Nov. 26, 1840. 

(Count Cambaceres.) 



96 Z\)c Mng of IRome 



V.) Mary Anna Elizabeth, 
born Ajaccio, Apr. 3, 1777,— died Trieste, 1820. 
(Pascalis, Duca di Bacoiocchi.) 



1. Napoleona Eliza, 2. Napoleon Frederick 

bom June 3, 1806,-died 1825. 1814-1883. 



(Count Camerata.) 



Napoleon, 

Count Camerata, 

Died 1853. 



(3eneaIoai2 



97 



VI.) Louis, 

King of Holland, 

born Ajaccio, Nov. 2, 1778, — died Livorno, July 25, 1846. 

(Hortensia Beauharnais, Napoleon I.'s step-daughter.) 



1. Napoleon Louis 



Charles, 
Oct. 19, 
died Mar. 



born 
1803,— 
5, 1807. 



2. Charles Louis 

Napoleon, 

Duke of Bergen, 

Crown-Prince 

of Holland, 

born Oct. 11, 1804, 

died 1831. 



3. Napoleon III., 
Emperor of France, 

died 1873. 

(Eugenie, Countess 

Montijo, Spain.) 



Napoleon IV. 

"Prince Lulu," 

died 1879. 



98 ZTbe Iking of IRome 



VII.) Pauline Mary Caroline, 

Born Ajaccio, Apr. 22, 1780, — died Florence June 9, 1825. 

(1. Gen, Leclerc.) 

(2. Camillo, Duca di Borghese.) 




H. I. M. The Empress Eugenie 



^Bonaparte (Benealog^ 



99 



VIII.) Carolina Mary Annunziata, 
born Ajaccio, Mar. 26, 1783,— died Florence, May 18, 1839. 
(Joachim Murat, Imperial Prince of France, King of Naples, 
shot by order of the King of France, Vincennes, Oct. 13, 
1813.) 



1. Achilles, 


3. Leticia 


3., Lucien 


4. Louise 


Prince Mu- 


Josephine, 


Charles, 


Julia 


r a t, born 


Princess 


Prince Mu- 


Caroline, 


Jan.21,1801, 


Murat (1803- 


rat, born 


Princess 


— died Apr. 


1859.) 


May 6, 1803, 


Murat, 


15, 1847. 


(Marchese 


— died Apr. 


1805-1889. 




Pepoli.) 


10, 1878, 


(Count 






(Georgina 


Rasponi.) 






Frazer.) 




1. Carolina 


3. Joseph i 


?. Anna 4. Achilles 


5. Louis 


Leticia, 


Joachim, 


Feb. 3, Napoleon, 


Napoleon, 


Princess 


Prince 


1848,— Prince 


Prince 


Murat. 


Murat. 


(Anton Murat, 


Murat, 


(Mr. Char- 


July 31, 


Count Jan. 2, 1847. Dec. 2-3, 1851. 


rison.) 


1834. 


Noailles.) (Dadiana, 






LOIFiS 


Duchess 

of 

Mingrelia.) 





EX-EMPRESS EUGElSriE AND THE 

EMPEROR-KING ERANCISJ 

JOSEPH 




HE widow of Napoleon HI. wEo in 
her dajr was so celebrated for her 
beauty, made a journey to Ischl, 
Austria, in August, 1906. She wished to see 
the old Monarch of the Austro-Hungarian 
Empire, Francis Joseph, before her death, in 
order to thank him for the many kindnesses he 
had manifested in her behalf. 

Countess Clementine Castelnau, a confi- 
dante of the Empress, tells us some very in- 
teresting and charming details of this visit. 
Francis Joseph always showed deep respect 
and warm sympathy for the Empress, and 
through his chivalrous manners he took every 
opportunity to display this relation. It was 
for the many courteous attentions paid her 
that she went to thank the Monarch, and she 
did not go with empty hands to the favorite 




4- 



His Imperial and Royal Majesty 

Franz Josef I. 
Emperor of Austria, King of Hungary 



^mMc anb jfrancia Jo^epb loi 

summer residence of Francis Joseph. She 
offered her great benefactor some very pre- 
cious furniture once possessed by the French 
King Louis XIV., several beautiful gobelins, 
and the gold watch of her late husband. Na- 
poleon III. Francis Joseph did not accept 
the presents, because he did not wish to de- 
prive the Empress of these relics, undoubtedly 
so dear to her heart. How tactful the Mon- 
arch was in solving this delicate question is 
proved by the fact that the Empress after the 
visit turned with these words to Countess 
Castelnau: " Je suis hereuse," ("I am 
happy"), a sentiment, she had not expressed 
for a long time. 

Since her glory had passed away Empress 
Eugenie cherished the memory of but one 
man, that was Emperor Francis Joseph. She 
herself related the following in connection 
with the memorable meeting with him: "His 
Majesty, the Emperor, possesses the kindest 
and noblest soul; his kindness is wonderful. 
It is not surprising then that they call him the 
* chivalrous Monarch.' When he bent down 
to kiss my hand, when he addressed me, and 
softly called me ' Majeste,' my whole past, 



I02 ^be Mm of 1Rome 

with all its sad memory deserted my much bur- 
dened soul, and for a few minutes I imagined 
myself the real Empress of France. His im- 
pressive carriage, his voice and manners de- 
monstrated that his royal personality rests 
upon a royal appearance. He, I am sure, re- 
tained the lost throne in his heart for me." 

From Countess Castelnau we learn how ex- 
cited the Empress was before the meeting. 
As her train drew into the Ischl station she 
hastened to the window and anxiously looked 
for the Monarch. She sighed sadly as she 
noticed him. 

"II porte la Legion d'Honneur," ("He 
wears the cross of the Legion of Honor"). 
The first impression was very painful because 
both, Eugenie and her escorts, believed the 
Emperor was wearing the cross given him by 
the former President of the French Republic, 
McMahon, well knowing he received it from 
this President too. 

They did not know the soul of Francis 
Joseph. 

The joy was so much the greater when later 
they found out that out of special courtesy 
the Monarch wore the cross on this occasion, 



iSug^nie anb francia 3o6epb 103 

which he had received from Napoleon III. 

What memories took possession of Francis 
Joseph as he stood opposite the ex-Empress 
then 80 years old? 

Francis Joseph at this meeting again gave 
evidence of his noble manner of thinking, 
which certain people like to question, but which 
he gave so many proofs of, that no statements, 
however much they misrepresent, cannot erase 
from history, 



Supplements IFIflT 



105 




PRESIDENT MADISON AND 
NAPOLEON I. 

HE mutual high estimation of Presi- 
dent James Madison and Emperor 
Napoleon I., also the sympathy of 
both nations, the French and American, is 
shown by the circumstance that the Emperor 
notified the President of the birth of Princess 
Josephine Beauharnais, daughter of Eugen 
Beauharnais, Napoleon's stepson. It may be 
of much interest to know the answer given by 
President Madison to the Great Emperor. 

"James Madison, President of the United 
States of America. 

'• To our Great and Good Friend His Imp- 
erial and Royal Majesty the Emperor of the 
French, King of Italy and Protector of the 
Confederation of the Rhine. 
"I have just received Your Imperial 

Majesty's letter of the 29th of March, 1807, 

107 



io8 Zhc Mm of 1Rome 

communicating the intelligence that the Prin- 
cess Eugenie Napoleona, Vice Queen of Italy, 
was happily delivered on the 14th of that 
month of a Princess who has received the name 
of Josephine. 

" The friendly interest which the United 
States take in an event so conducive to the 
happiness of your Majesty and your Imperial 
Family requires that I should not delay a 
tender of their congratulation, with assurance 
of our esteem and friendship. And I pray 
God to have you Great and Good Friend in 
his holy keeping. 

"Written at the City of Washington, the 
Seventeenth day of March, 1809. 
" Your Good Friend, 

"Signed: James Madison. 
" By the President, 

" N. Smith, Secretary of State." 




President Madison 



EXPLANATORY HEMAEKS 

DIETMCHSTEIN, Maurice Joseph, 
Count, born Vienna, August 27, 1775, died 
February 19, 1864. During the Vienna Con- 
gress he was attached to the King of Den- 
mark. After he entered the Austrian mihtary 
service at the battle at Naples (1798) he to- 
gether with his commander-in-chief. Gen. 
Mack, fell into a French war-prison. He was 
a highly educated man, a " literary gentle- 
man," and intimate friend of the great musi- 
cian, Beethoven. From 1815 to 1830 he was 
young Napoleon's tutor; later he was ap- 
pointed Intendant General of the Vienna 
Imperial theatre and director of the Habsbur- 
gian family library. The family Dietrichstein 
went out with the General's son, Joseph 
Maurice, 1852. 

" L'AIGLON." Edmonde Rostand, the fa- 
mous French poet, made his name with his 
beautiful poem entitled UAiglon, memor- 

109 



no . ^be Mm of IRome 

able forever. It is a versified drama, one of the 
most fascinating plays ever placed upon the 
stage. But no poetical work can be criticized 
in view of historical truth. Rostand's drama 
takes undoubtedly the first rank among the 
many works which show us historically promi- 
nent persons on the stage. UAiglon was 
one of the most remarkable literary and thea- 
trical successes of recent times, and it is re- 
markable this drama was played in the United 
States many times. In 1901 Madame Sarah 
Bernhardt, the famous French actress, came 
to America where she played the title role and 
it was a great success. But a greater success 
was even made by Miss Maude Adams, the 
lie jane of America, who played it at the 
same time. As UAiglon she showed the 
world she was really worthy to be put in par- 
allel with Madame Re jane. She afterward 
played this part two hundred and sixteen 
times, and showed the public how an American 
actress can interpret a French author which 
proves really a high art. 

METTERlSriCH, Winneburg, Clemens 
Lothar, Duke. Austrian Chancellor, born 



Explanatory IRemarfi^ m 

Koblenz, Bohemia, Ma;^ 15, 1773, died Vienna, 
January 11, 1859, 

ISTEIPPERG, Adam Albert, Count. 
Austrian General, son of William Neipperg, 
born April 8, 1775, died February 22, 1829. 
At the historical Vienna Congress he was 
Marie Louise's " charge d'affairs," then in 
1815, Governor of Parma. In 1821 he mar- 
ried Marie Louise, and their son, William, 
became the progenitor of the Austrian Monte- 
nuovo Ducal family. Marie Louise later, 
after Neipperg's death, had another relation, 
this with Count Bombelles, then she had a 
third one with the Austrian Cavalry officer 
Baron Werklein. Her daughter by Werk- 
lein, Baroness Ida Werklein, was educated at 
the Pressburgian (Hungary) Ursulines' con- 
vent, where she was one time visited by her 
mother, who came in the incognito of " Count- 
ess Almasy," to see her child. Baroness Bibra- 
Gleicherwiesen (Budapest, Hungary), is the 
only scholar still living who played many 
times with the little Baroness Werklein, and 
v/ho saw Marie Louise during her mentioned 
Pressburg journey. 



112 zbe Iking of 1Rome 

PARMA, formerly an independent Duke- 
dom, since 1860 connected with Italy. Pope 
Julius II., 1813, separated the cities Parma 
and Piacenza from the Dukedom of Milan; 
later they were given by Pope Paul III., 
1545, as an independent Dukedom to Luigi 
Farnese, the ancestor of the Farnese Ducal 
family. Two years later this Dukedom came 
under the supremacy of Spain, but Pope Jul- 
ius III., 1550, got it back again for the 
Farnese family who possessed it until Duke 
Antonio Farnese's death, in 1731, who was 
the last of this family. Charles VI., Em- 
peror of Germany, took possession of it later. 
In 1796 Parma was conquered by France, and 
1814 Marie Louise was appointed by her 
father Duchess of Parma with rights of a Sov- 
ereign. 1847, Philipe, Prince of Spain, had 
the Parma throne, but he was forced by the 
revolution, 1848, to flee therefrom. The last 
historical event of this Dukedom, it was con- 
quered by Vittorio Emmanuele, King of 
Sardinia. 

PROKESCH-OSTElSr, Anton, Count, 
born Graz, Austria, December 10, 1795; died 



lexplanator^ 1Remark0 113 

Vienna, October 26, 1876. 1815 he was ad- 
jutant of the great Austrian General, Arch- 
duke Charles ; then he was appointed professor 
at the Olmutz (Austria) military school, and 
at last he was adjutant of another celebrated 
Austrian General, Prince Schwarzenberg. He 
was acquainted with young Napoleon dur- 
ing this last employment in Vienna. June 
22, 18|5, he received a command from the 
Emperor Francis II. to a Court dinner, on 
which occasion he was set at the left of 
" Franz," who immediately after dinner, shak- 
ing hands with him addressed him as follows: 
" I have liked you for a long time and I will 
never forget you fought for my father's honor 
at a time when everybody caluminated him. 
I have read your book about the battle of 
Waterloo thoroughly and with the greatest 
interest, and have it translated into the French 
and Italian languages." Count Prokesch, in 
1848, was appointed General in the Austrian 
Army, later Ambassador to Constantinople. 
He was a famous historiographer. 

REICHSTADT (Zakupy), a town in the 
Leipa precinct of Bohemia, with an Imperial 



114 ^be Iking of IRome 

palace, built 1573, of 300 rooms, which origin- 
ally belonged to the Bavarian Electorate. 
This property was given 1805 to Fernando, 
Duke of Toscana, then, later, in 1819, Em- 
peror Francis II. gave its title, but only the 
title to his grandchild. Napoleon II. 

SCHOENBRUNN (XII precinct " Heit- 
zing," of the Austrian Capital, Vienna, the 
celebrated Imperial palace, jfinished 1750 by 
the famous Italian architect Valmagnini. This 
palace has 1441 rooms, among them the " blue 
cabinet " is the most famous : it was Marie 
Therese's favorite room in which stood Napo- 
leon I. during his journey to Vienna, 1809, 
and here died L'Aiglon, Napoleon II. This 
palace has a pretty theatre and the Court 
Chapel contains many precious rehcs and pict- 
ures by Guglielmi and Hamilton. A splen- 
did park of about two miles surrounds this 
palace. 



LIST OF HISTORICAL WORKS 

USED LSr WRITING THIS 

BOOK 

L. WERTHEIMER: Der Herzog von 
Reichstadt, pp. 45, 316, 372. 

HELFERT: Marie Louise, p. 195. 

WEIDMANN: Moriz Graf von Dietrich- 
stein, sein Lehen und Wirhen, aus seinen hin- 
terlassenen Papieren dargestellt. 

MONTBEL: Le roi de Rome; La legende 
et rhistoire. 

L, OBENAUS: Diary, property of the 
Austrian Colonel Baron Oscar Obenaus. 

TREITSCHKE: Historische und poll- 
tische Aufsaetze, vol. iii., p. 157. 

COUNT PROKESCH-OSTEN: Mein 
Verhaeltnis zum Herzog von Reichstadt, p. 
41; Schreihen an und uher den Herzog von 
Reichstadt. 

" CORRESPOND ANCE DE NAPO- 
LEON," vol. xxviii, p. 133. 

115 



ii6 Zl)C mm of 1Rome 

Le due de Reichstadt, {Nouvelle Revue ^ 
1897.) 

Comment est mort le due de ReicJistadt 
{Gazette des Hospitauoo, March, 1900.) 

Le due de Reichstadt {Annates de Veeole 
lihre des sciences politiques^ May, 1896.) 

HALLWICH: Mittheilungen, pp. 36, 68. 

SCHLITTER: Die Stellung der O ester- 
reichischen Regierung^ {ArcJiiv fiir osterrei- 
cMsche Geschichte^ vol. Ixxx, p. 122. 

FREDRICK MASSON: UAiglon et 
la Comtesse Camerata {Revue de Paris, April 
and June, 1900, pp. 588, 651, 888. 

BERANGER: Chansons, vol. ii, p. 235; 
Memoir es couronnees publics par V Academic 
Royal de Belgique, vol. viii, p. 25. 

VIEL-CASTEL: Histoire de la Restau- 
ration, vol. xix, p. 571. 

SCHMITT: Zeitgenossische GescMchte, 
p. 187. 



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